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NARRATIVE

OF

COL. ETHAN ALLEN'S

CAPTIVITY.

WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.

FOURTH EDITION, WITH NOTES,

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BURLINGTON :

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

1846.

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Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1838, By Chauncey Goodrich, in the Clerk's Office of the District of Vermont.

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ADVERTISEMENT TO THE THIRD EDITION,

PUBLISHED IN 1838.

No apology need be offered for presenting a new Edi- tion of the following Narrative, of one of the most re- markable men of the age in which he lived, as it is now thirty-one years since it has been published, and more than twenty years since it has been seen in any bookstore. It is given in the plain language of its self-educated au- thor, without any alteration, and is said by his most inti- mate friends, to show more of his character, than all else that has ever been written of him.

Little is known of the life of Col. Allen, but what is found in Biographical Dictionaries, Spark's American Biography, and his Memoirs written by Mr. Moore, from whose introduction the following just tribute to his mem- ory is copied.

"Perhaps no individual, of equal advantages, and the station he occupied in life, contributed more towards es- tablishing the independence of our country, than Ethan Allen, the subject of this memoir. The mass of the people among whom he resided, were rude and uncul- tivated ; yet bold in spirit and zealous in action. It con- sequently followed, that no one, save a man of strong

4

natural endowments — of much decision, energy and bravery, could control their prejudices and inclinations. Habit had rendered them familiar with danger, and im- patient of restraint : hence, it followed, that no policy, unless proceeding from a source in which they had con- fidence, ever gained their approbation. Upon Allen, vi^hose courage was undoubted, and whose zealous devo- tion to their interests was universally acknowledged, they implicitly relied. They had known him in adver- sity and prosperity — they had weighed him, and found nothing lacking. To friend or foe, he was ever the same unyielding advocate of the rights of man, and universal liberty. The policy, therefore, he upheld, as beneficial to the common cause of American liberty, ever found strong and efficient supporters in the friends with whom he associated, and by whom he was known.

From the commencement of our Revolutionary strug- gle, until its final close, Ethan Allen proved a zealous and strenuous supporter of the cause. Whether in the field or the council — whether at home, a freeman among the mountains of Vermont, or loaded with the manacles of despotism, in a foreign country, his spirit never quailed beneath the sneer of the tory, or the harsh threats of in- solent authority. A stranger to fear, his opinions were ever given without disguise or hesitation : and, an ene- my to oppression, he sought every opportunity to redress the wrongs of the oppressed. It is not to be supposed, however, that he was faultless. Like other men, he had his errors — like other men, his foibles. Yet he was not wilfully stubborn in either. When convinced of an er- roneous position, he was ever willing to yield a victory :

5

but, in theory, as in practice, he contested every inch of ground ; and only yielded when he had no weapons left to meet his antagonist. This trait in his character serves, at least, to prove, that he was honest in his conclusions, however erroneous the premises from which they were deduced.

Much error of opinion prevails among all classes of individuals, at the present period, in relation to the character of Col. Allen. He is generally viewed as a coarse, ignorant man, void of all the social feelings, and arrogant in all his pretensions. Even Mr. Dwight, in his " Travels in New-England," reports him in this light; and deems him only worthy a brief and unjust notice in his work. In what manner Mr. Dwight came in possession of the facts upon which he predicated his conclusions, is beyend the knowledge of the author of this Memoir : but, certain it is, he has materially misre- presented the moral principles, and in fact, the geEcrai character of Col. Allen. It is presumed, however, that Mr. Dwight, like many other travellers, drew his infer- •ences from the gossip of the people am.ong whom he as- sociated, without being at the trouble of extending his inquiries to a source from whence he might have derived •every material fact in relation to the subject. In making this suggestion, the author would not be understood as attaching any particular blame to Mr. Dwight : but merely as correcting an error of oj)inion which is quite •too prevalent in our country."

1*

ADVERTISEMENT TO THE WALPOLE EDITION,

PUBLISHED IN 1807.

In announcing the publication of this little, simple, true, and unvarnished narrative, the publishers have compli- ed with the wishes of a number of persons, who had a desire to keep in remembrance the hero of Ticonderoga, and the exploits he performed. It is believed that there is not a copy for sale in any bookstore in the United States ; and the style of printing, at the time of its first appearance, which is now near thirty years since, was in so unimproved a condition, that it has never been seen but in the shabby dress of a large and ragged pamphlet. The events of those " troublous times," in which Col. Allen took a conspicuous part, are rendered doubly in- teresting from the lively, unadorned manner of his own narration. The high compliments which he pays to the prowess, uniform perseverance and resolution, manifested by the " Green Mountain Boys" of his native Stale? will no doubt be an inducement to them, and to his countrymen generally, to read and preserve this monu- ment of him, and, as they con the pages of this *' little book" which he has "left them," to imitate the cool- ness and courage of the deceased veteran.

The sufferings and cruelties borne by him and his

8

fellow soldiers, frequently draw from him in the course of his narrative^ a language the most severe, with res* pect to a country from whom we originated^ with whom we are now at peace, and with whom it is our policy to continue on a friendly footing ; but the candid and the feeling mind should make great allowance for the un- paralleled situation of our affairs, for the sufferings of his handful of little " Spartans,^' for whom he felt a father's and a brother's affection. These circumstances must have given a deep coloring to the pencil which was portraying his own and his country's wrongs. On the whole, we think this little tract may be re-perused, with advantage and pleasure, by the aged, and read with much edification and entertainment by the young. As it is deemed that the very words, in every respect, made use of by the Colonel, would be more acceptable to the reader, than any artificial decoration of style, we shall almost invariably adhere to the original.

INTRODUCTION.

Induced by a sense of duty to my country; and by the application of many of my worthy friends, some of whom are of the first characters, I have concluded to publish the following narrative of the extraordinary scenes of my captivity, and the discoveries which I made in the course of the same, of the cruel and relentless disposition and behaviour of the enemy, towards the prisoners in their power ; from which the state politician, and every gradation of character among the people, to the worthy tiller of the soil, may deduce such inferences as they shall think proper to carry into practice. Some men are appointed into office, in these States, who read the history of the cruelties of this war, with the same careless indifference, as they do the pages of the Ro- man history ; nay, some are preferred to places of trust and profit by the tory influence. The instances are (I hope) but rare, and it stands all freemen in hand to pre- vent their further influence, which, of all other things, would be the most baneful to the liberties and happiness of this country ; and, so far as such influence takes place, robs us of the victory we have obtained at the expense of so much blood and treasure.

10

I should have exhibited to the piibHc a history of the facts herein contained, soon after my exchange, had not the urgency of my private affairs, together with more urgent public business, demanded my attention, till a few weeks before the date hereof. The reader will readily discern, that a Narrative of this sort could not have been written when I was a prisoner. My trunk and writings were often searched under various preten- ces ; so that I never wrote a syllable, or made even a rough minute whereon I might predicate this narration, but trusted solely to my memory for the whole. I have, however, taken the greatest care and pains to recollect the facts and arrange them : but as they touch a variety of characters and opposite interests, I am sensible that all will not be pleased with the relation of them. Be this as it will, I have made truth my invariable guide, and stake my honor on the truth of the facts. 1 have been very generous with the British in giving them full and ample credit for all their good usage, of any consid- erable consequence, which I met with among them, during my captivity ; which was easily done, as I met with but little, in comparison of the bad, which, by rea- son of the great plurality of it, could not be contained in so concise a narrative ; so that I am certain that I have more fully enumerated the favors which I received, than the abuses I suffered. The critic will be pleased to excuse any inaccuracies in the preformance itself, as the author has unfortunately missed of a liberal

education.

ETHAN ALLEN.

Bennington, March 25, 1779.

lAREATIVE.

Ever since I arrived at the state of manhood, and acquainted myself with the general history of mankind, I have felt a sincere passion for liberty. The history of nations, doomed to perpetual sla- very, in consequence of yielding up to tyrants their natural-born liberties, I read ^with a sort of philosophical horror; so that the first systematical and bloody attempt, at Lexington, to enslave America, thoroughly electrified my mind, and fully determined me to take part with my country. And, while I was wishing for an opportunity to signalize myself in its behalf, directions were pri- vately sent to me from the then colony, (now state) of Connecticut, to raise the Green Mountain Boys, and, if possible, with them to surprise and take the fortress of Ticonderoga. This enterprise I cheerfully undertook ; and, after first guarding all the several passes that led thither, to cut off all intelligence between the garrison and the country.

12 ETHAN Allen's

made a forced march from Bennington, and arri- ved at the lake opposite to Ticonderoga,* on the evening of the ninth day of May, 1775, with two hundred and thirty vahant Green Mountain Boys ; and it was with the utmost difficuUy that I pro- cured boats to cross the lake. However, I landed

* The ' Ticonderoga Fort ' is thus described in the American Encyclopedia : —

TicoNDEKOGA ; a post-town of Essex county, New- York, on the west side of the south end of lake Champlain, and at the north end of lake George ; twelve miles south of Crown Point, ninety- five north of Albany ; population in 1820, 1493. There is a valu- able iron mine in this township. — Ticonderoga Fort, famous in the history of the American wars, is situated on an eminence, on the the west side of lake Champlain, just north of the entrance of the outlet from lake George into lake Champlain, fifteen miles south of Crown Point, twenty-four north of Whitehall; Ion. 73°. 27'. W. ; lat. 43''. 30'. N. It is now in ruins. Considerable remains of the fortifications are still to be seen. The stone walls of the fort, which are now^ standing, are in some places, thirty feet high. Mount Defiance lies about a mile south of the fort, and Mount Indepen- dence is about half a mile distant, on the opposite side of the lake, in Orwell, Vermont.

It was built by the French, in the year 1756, and had all the advantages that art and nature could give it ; being defended on three sides by water, surrounded by rocks, and where that fails, the French erected a breast work nine feet high. The English and Colonial troops, under General Abercrombie were defeated here in the year 1753, but it was taken the year following by General Amherst. It was surprised by Colonels Allen and Arnold, May 10, 1775. Was retaken by General Burgoyne in July, 1777, and was evacuated after his surrender, the garrison returning to St. Johns.

NARRATIVE. 18

dghty-three men near the garrison, and sent the boats back for the rear guard, commanded by CoL Seth Warner, but the day began to dawn, and 1 found myself under a necessity to attack the fort, before the rear could cross the lake ; and, as it was viewed hazardous, I harangued the officers and soldiers in the manner following : —

" Friends and fellow soldiers. You have, for a number of years past been a scourge and terror to arbitrary power. Your valor has been famed abroad, and acknowledged, as appears by the advice and orders to me, from the General As- sembly of Connecticut, to surprise and take the garrison now before us. I now propose to advance before you, and, in person, conduct you through the wicket-gate ; for we must this morning either quit our pretensions to valor, or possess ourselves of this fortress in a few minutes ; and, inasmuch as it is a desperate attempt, which none but the bravest of men dare undertake, I do not urge it on any contrary to his wiiL You that will under- take voluntarily, poise your firelocks."

The men being, at this time, drawn up in three ranks, each poised his firelock. I ordered them to face to the right, and at the head of the centre- file, marched them immediately to the wicket-gate aforesaid, where I found a sentry posted, who instantly snapped his fusee at me: I ran immediately 2

14 ETHAN ALLEN .S

towards him, and he retreated through the cov- ered way into the parade within the garrison, gave a halloo, and ran under a bomb-proof. My party, who followed me into the fort, I formed on the parade in such a manner as to face the two bar- racks which faced each other.

The garrison being asleep, except the sentries, we gave three huzzas which greatly surprised them. One of the sentries m.ade a pass at one of my offi- cers with a charged bayonet, and slightly wounded him : My first thought Avas to kill him v/ith my sword ; but, in an instant, I altered the design and fury of the blow to a shght cut on the side of the head ; upon which he dropped his gun, and asked quarter, which I readily granted him, and demand- ed of him the place w^here the commanding officer kept ; he shewed me a pair of stairs in the front of a barrack, on the west part of the garrisouj which led up to a second story in said barrack, to which I immediately repaired, and ordered the com- mander, Capt. De la Place, to come forth instant- ly, or I would sacrifice the whole garrison ; at v/hich the Capt. came immediately to the door, with his breeches in his hand; when I ordered him to deliver me the fort instantly ; he asked me by what authority I demanded it : I answered him, " In the name of the great Jehovah, and the Con-

NARRATIVE. 15

tinental Congress.^^* The authority of the Con- gress being very little known at that time, he be- gan to speak again ; but I interrupted him, and with my drawn sword over his head, again de- manded an immediate surrender of the garrison ; with which he then compUed, and ordered his men to be forthwith paraded without arms, as he had given up the garrison. In the mean time some of my officers had given orders, and in consequence thereof, sundry of the barrack doors w^ere beat down, and about one third of the garrison impris- oned, which consisted of the said commander, a Lieut. Feltham, a conductor of artillery, a gunner, two sergeants, and forty-four rank and file ; about one hundred pieces of cannon, one thirteen inch mortar, and a number of swivels. This surprise was carried into execution in the grey of the morn- ing of the tenth day of May, 1775. The sun seem- ed to rise that morning with a superior lustre ; and Ticonderoga and its dependencies smiled on its conquerors, w^ho tossed about the flowing bowl, and wished success to Congress, and the liberty and freedom of America. Happy it was for me, at that time, that the then future pages of the book of fate, which afterwards unfolded a miserable

* If the Colonel has expressed a little of his usual severity in this place, he might have remarked also, that neither of the author- ities he mentioned were much known in a British camp.

16 ETHAN Allen's

scene of two years and eight months imprisonment, were hid from my view.

But to return to my narration: Col. Warner, with the rear guard, crossed the lake, and joined me early in the morning, whom I sent off, without loss of time, with about one hundred men, to take possession of Crown Point, which was garrisoned with a Serjeant and twelve men ; which he took possession of the same day, as also of upwards of one hundred pieces of cannon. But one thing now remained to be done, to make ourselves com- plete masters of lake Champlain ; this was to pos- sess ourselves of a sloop of war, which was then lying at St. John's ; to effect which, it was agreed in a council of war, to arm and man out a certain schooner, which lay at South Bay, and that Capt. (now general) Arnold* should command her, and that I should command the batteaux. The neces- sary preparations being made, we set sail from

* This name, which now calls to mind the idea of treason, at every mention of it, is " damned to everlasting fame." His early history, with his conduct during the revolution, is probably fami- liar to every school boy. His subsequent life is thus described by Dr. Allen, in his American Biographical Dictionary.

•' From the conclusion of the war till his death, General Arnold resided chiefly in England. In 1786 he was at St. Johns, New Brunswick, engaged in trade and navigation, and again in 1790. For some cause he became very unpopular ; in 1792 or 1793, was hung in effigy, and the mayor found it necessary to read the riot

NARRATIVE. 17

Ticonderoga, in quest of the sloop, which was much larger, and carried more guns and heavier metal than the schooner. General Arnold, with the schooner, sailing faster than the batteaux, ar- rived at St. Johns; and by surprise, possessed himself of the sloop, before I could arrive with the

act, and a company of troops was called out to quell the mob. Re- pairing to the West Indies in 1794, a French fleet anchored at the same island ; he became alarmed least he should be detained by the American allies and passed the fleet concealed on a raft of lumber. He died in Gloucester place, London, June 14, 1801. — ■ He married Margaret, the daughter of Edward Shippen of Phila- delphia, chief justice, and a loyalist. General Green, it is said, was his rival. She combined facinating manners with strength of mind. She died at London, August 24, 1804, aged 43. His sons were men of property in Canada in 1829. — His character presents little to be commended. His daring courage may indeed excite admiration ; but it was a courage without reflection and without principle. He fought bravely for his country and he bled in her cause ; but his country owed him no returns of gratitude, for his subsequent conduct proved, that he bad no honest regard to her interests, but was governed by selfish considerations. His progress from self-indulgence to treason was easy and rapid. He was vain and luxurious, and to gratify his giddy desires he must resort to meanness, dishonesty, and extortion. These vices brought with them disgrace ; and the contempt, into which he fell, awakened a spirit of revenge, and left him to the unrestrained influence of his cupidity and passion. Thus from the high fame, to which his bra- very had elevated him, he descended into infamy. Thus too he furnished new evidence of the infatuation of the human mind in attaching such value to the reputation of a soldier, which may be obtained, while the heart is unsound and every moral sentiment is entirely depraved."

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18 tTHAN Allen's

batteaux : He also made prisoners of a Serjeant and twelve men, who were garrisoned at that place. It is worthy of remark that as soon as General Arnold had secured the prisoners on board, and had made preparation for sailing, the wdnd, which but a few hours before was fresh in the south, and well served to carry us to St. Johns, now shifted, and came fresh from the north ; and in about one hour's time. General Arnold sailed w4th the prize and schooner for Ticonderoga. When I met him with my party, within a few miles of St. Johns, he saluted me with a discharge of cannon, which I re- turned with a volley of small arms. This being repeated three times, T w^ent on board the sloop with my party, where several loyal Congress healths were drank.

We were now masters of lake Champlain, and the garrison depending thereon. This success I viewed of consequence in the scale of American poUtics ; for, if a settlement between the then col- onies and Great Britain, had soon taken place, it would have been easy to have restored these ac- quisitions ; but viewing the then future consequen- ces of a cruel war, as it has really proved to be, and the command of that lake, garrisons, artillery, &,c., it must be viewed to be of signal importance to the American cause, and it is marvellous to me that we ever lost the command of it. Nothing but

NARRATIVE. 19

taking a Burgoyne with a whole British army, <iOulcl, in my opinion, atone for it ; and notwith- standing such an extraordinary victory, we must be obhged to regain the command of that lake again, be the cost what it will ; by doing this Can- ada will easily be brought into union and con- federacy with the United States of America. Such an event would put it out of the power of the w^est- ern tribes of Indians to carry on a war with us, and be a solid and durable bar against any further inhuman barbarities committed on our frontier in- habitants, by cruel and blood-thirsty savages ; for it is impossible for them to carry on a war, except they are supported by the trade and commerce of some civilized nation ; which to them would be impracticable, did Canada compose a part of the American empire.

Early in the fall of the year, the little army un- der the command of the Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, were ordered to advance into Can- ada. I was at Ticonderoga, when this order arrived ; and the Generals, with most of the field officers, requested me to attend them in the expe- dition ; and, though at that time I had no commis- sion from Congress, yet they engaged me, that I should be considered as an officer, the same as though I had a commission ; and should, as occa- sion might require, command certain detachments

20 ETHAN Allen's

of the army. This I considered as an honorable offer, and did not hesitate to comply with it, and advanced with the army to the Isle-aux-Noix ; * from whence I was ordered by the General, to go in company with Major Brown, and certain inter- preters, through the woods into Canada, with letters to the Canadians, and to let them know that the design of the army was only against the English garrisons, and not the country, their hber- ties, or rehgion ; and having, through much danger, negotiated this business, I returned to the Isle-aux- Noix in the fore part of September, when Gen. Schuyler returned to Albany ; and in consequence the command devolved upon General Montgomery, whom 1 assisted in laying a line of circumvallation round the fortress of St. Johns.f After which I was ordered, by the General, to make a second tour into Canada, upon nearly the same design as

* A small island, containing about 85 acres, ten miles north of the boundary lines of the States of New- York and Vermont. It is strongly fortified, and completely commands the water communi- cation from lake Champlain. Here the British had a small gar- rison.

f St. Johns is a thriving village, in the County of Chambly^ situated at the north end of lake Champlain, on the west bank of the Sorel river, twenty-eight miles southward of Montreal. It is the port of entry and clearance, between the United States and Canada. It is now connected with the St. Lawrence river by a rail-road.

NARRATIVE. 21

before ; and withal to observe the disposition, de- signs and movements of the inhabitants of the country. This reconnoiter I undertook reluctantly, choosing rather to assist at the seige of St. Johns, which was then closely invested ; but my esteem for the general's person, and opinion of him as a pohtician and brave ofilcer, induced me to pro- ceed.

I passed through all the parishes on the river Sorel,* to a parish at the mouth of the same, which is called by the same name, preaching pol- itics ; and went from thence across the Sorel to the river St. Lawrence, and up the river through the parishes to Longueuil, and so far met with good success as an itinerant. In this round my guard were Canadians, my interpreter, and some few attendants excepted. On the morn- ing of the 24th day of September, I set out with my guard of about eighty men, Irom Lon- gueuil, to go to Laprairie ; f from whence I determined to go to General Montgomery's camp ; but had not advanced two miles before I met with

* Sorel or Richelieu River, the outlet of Lake Champlain, which after a course of about 69 miles north, empties into the St. Law- rence, in north lat. 46''. 10'. and lono^. 72°. 25'. west. Sorel Fort, built by the French, is at the western point of the mouth of this river.

t Laprairie, a populous little village, on the river St. Lawrence, in Canada, eighteen miles north of St. Johns, and nine south-west of Montreal.

22 ETHAN Allen's

Major Brown, who has since been advanced to the rank of a Colonel, w^ho desired me to halt, saying that he had something of importance to communicate to me and my confidants ; upon which I halted the party, and went into a house, and took a private room with him and several of my associates, where Col. Brown proposed that, *' provided I would return to Longueuil, and pro- cure some canoes, so as to cross the river St. Lawrence a httle north of Montreal, he would cross it a little to the south of the town, with near two hundred men, as he had boats sufficient ; and that we could make ourselves masters of Montreal." This plan was readily approved by me and those in council ; and in consequence of which I re- turned to Longueuil, collected a few canoes, and added about thirty English-Americans to my par- ty, and crossed the river in the night of the 24th, agreeably to the before proposed plan.

My whole party at this time, consisted of about one hundred and ten men, near eighty of whom were Canadians. We were most of the night crossing the river, as we had so few canoes that they had to pass and repass three times, to carry my party across. Soon after day-break, 1 set a guard between me and the tow^n, with special orders to let no person whatever pass or repass them, another guard on the other end of the road,

I NARRATIVE. 23

with like directions ; in the mean time, I recon- noitered the best ground to make a defence, expecting Col. Brown's party was landed on the other side of the town, he having, the day before, agreed to give three huzzas with his men early in the morning, which signal I was to return, that we might each know that both parties were land- ed ; but the sun, by this time, being nearly two hours high, and the sign failing, 1 began to con- clude myself to be in a premunire, and would have crossed the river back again, but I knew the enemy would have discovered such an attempt ; and as there could not more than one third part of my troops cross at one time, the other two-thirds would of course fall into their hands. This I could not reconcile to my own feeUngs as a man, much less as an officer: I therefore concluded to main- tain the ground, if possible, and all to fare alike. In consequence of this resolution, I despatched two messengers, one to Laprairie, to Col. Brown, and the other to I'Assomption, a French settle- ment, to Mr. Walker, who was in our interest, requesting their speedy assistance, giving them, at the same time to understand my critical situa- tion. In the mean time, sundry persons came to my guards, pretending to be friends, but vv^ere by them taken prisoners and brought to me. These I ordered to confinement, until their friendship

24 ETHAN Allen's

could be further confirmed ; for I was jealous they were spies, as they proved to be afterwards. One of the principal of them making his escape, ex- posed the weakness of my party, which was the linal cause of my misfortune ; for I have been since informed that Mr. Walker, agreeably to my desire, exerted himself, and had raised a con- siderable number of men for my assistance, which brought him into difficulty afterwards, but upon hearing of my misfortune, he disbanded them again.

The town of Rlontreal was in a great tumult. General Carleton and the royal party, made every preparation to go on board their vessels of force, as I was afterwards informed, but the spy esca- ped from my guard to the town, occasioned an alteration in their policy, and emboldened Gen. Carleton to send the force which he had there collected, out against me. 1 had previously cho- sen my ground, but when I saw the number of the enemy as they sallied out of the town, I per- ceived it would be a day of trouble, if not of rebuke ; but I had no chance to flee, as Montreal was situated on an island, and the St. Lawrance cut off my communication to General Montgomery's camp. I encouraged my soldiery to bravely de- fend themselves, that we should soon have help, and that we should be able to keep the ground.

NARRATIVE. 25

if no more. This, and much more, I affirmed with the greatest seeming assurance, and which in reaUty I thought to be in some degree prob- able.

The enemy consisted of not more than forty regular troops, together with a mixed multitude, chiefly Canadians, with a number of English who lived in town, and some Indians ; in all to the num- ber of near five hundred.

The reader will notice that most of my party w^ere Canadians ; indeed it was a motley parcel of soldiery w^hich composed both parties. However, the enemy began to attack from wood-piles, ditch- es, buildings, and such hke places, at a consider- able distance, and I returned the fire from a situ- ation more than equally advantageous. The at- tack began betw^een two and three o'clock in the afternoon, just before which I ordered a volunteer by the name of Richard Young, with a detach- ment of nine men as a flank guard, which, under the cover of the bank of the river, could not only annoy the enemy, but at the same time, serve as a flank guard to the left of the main body.

The lire continued for sometime on both sides; and I w as confident that such a remote method of attack could not carry the ground, provided it should be continued till night : but near half the body of the enemy began to flank round to my 3

26 ETHAN Allen's

right ; upon which I ordered a volunteer, by the name of John Dugan, who had hved many years in Canada, and understood the French language, to detach about fifty of the Canadians, and post him- self at an advantageous ditch, which was on my right, to prevent my being surrounded : He ad- vanced with the detachment, but instead of occu- pying the post, made his escape, as did likewise Mr. Young upon the left, with their detachments. I soon perceived that the enemy was in possession of the ground, which Dugan should have occupied. At this time I had but about forty five men with me ; some of whom were wounded ; the enemy kept closing round me, nor was it in my power to prevent it ; by which means, my situation, which was advantageous in the first part of the attack, ceased to be so in the last ; and being almost en- tirely surrounded with such vast, unequal numbers, I ordered a retreat, but found that those of the enemy, who were of the country, and their In- dians, could run as fast as my men, though the regulars could not. Thus I retreated near a mJle, and some of the enemy, with the savages, kept flankina: me, and others crowded hard in the rear. In fine, I expected, in a very short time, to try the world of spirits ; for I was apprehensive that no quarter would be given to me, and therefore had determined to sell my hfe as dear as I could. One

NARRATIVE 27

of the enemy's officers, boldly pressing in the rear, discharged his fusee at me ; the ball whistled near me, as did many others that day. 1 returned the salute, and missed him, as running had put us both out of breath ; for I conclude we were not fright- ened : I then saluted him with my tongue in a harsh manner, and told him that, inasmuch as his numbers were so far superior to mine, I w^ould surrender provided I could be treated with honor, and be assured of good quarter for myself and the men who were with me ; and he answered I should; another officer, coming up directly after, confirmed the treaty ; upon which I agreed to surrender with my party, which then consisted of thirty-one effec- tive men, and seven w^ounded. I ordered them to ground their arms, which they did.

The officer I capitulated with, then directed me and my party to advance towards him, which was done ; I handed him my sword, and in half a min- ute after, a savage, part of whose head was shaved, being almost naked and painted, with feathers in- termixed with the hair of the other side of his head, came running to me with an incredible swiftness ; he seemed to advance with more thaa mortal speed ; as he approached near me, his hell- ish visage was beyond all description ; snake's eyes appear innocent in comparison of his ; his

28

ETHAN Allen's

features extorted ;* malice, death, murder, and the wrath of devils and damned spirits are the em- blems of his countenance ; and in less than twelve feet of me, presented his firelock ; at the instant of his present, I twitched the officer, to whom I gave my sword, between me and the savage ; but he flew round with great fury, trying to single me out to shoot me without kilHng the officer; but by this time I was nearly as nimble as he, keeping the officer in such a position that his danger was my defence ; but, in less than half a minute, I was attacked by just such another imp of hell : Then I made the officer fly around with incredible velo- city, for a few seconds of time, when I perceived a Canadian, who had lost one eye, as appeared afterwards, taking my part against the savages ; and in an instant an Irishman came to my assist- ance with a fixed bayonet, and drove away the fiends, swearing by Jasus he would kill them. This tragic scene composed my mind. The es- caping from so awful a death, made even imprison- ment happy ; the more so as my conquerors on the field treated me with great civility and pohte- ness.

The regular officers said that they were very

* Probably meant to be distorted ; though, from the description It would appear that his visage had' been extorted from some '^ Gor- gon or chimccra dire...

NARRATIVE. 29

hnppy to see Colonel Allen: I answered ihem, that I should rather choose to have seen them at General Montgomery's camp. The gentlemen replied, that they gave full credit to what I said, and as I walked to the town, which was, as I should guess, more than two miles, a British of- ficer walking at my right hand, and one of the French noblesse at my left ; the latter of which, in the action, had his eyebrow carried away by a glancing shot, 'but was nevertheless very mer- rv and facetious, and no abuse was offered me till I came to the barrack yard at Montreal, where I met general Prescott, who asked me my name, which 1 told him: He then asked me, whether I was that Col. Allen, who took Ticonderoga. I told him I w^as the very man: Then he shook his cane over my head, calling many hard names, among which he frequendy used the word rebet, and put himself in a great rage. I told him he would do well not to cane me, for I was not ac- customed to it, and shook my fist at him, telling him that w^as the beetle of mortality for him, if he ofi"ered to strike; upon which Capt. M'Cloud of the British, pulled him by the skirt, and whisper- ed to him, as he afterwards told me, to this im- port; that is was inconsistent with his honor to strike a prisoner. He then ordered a sergeant's command with fixed bayonets to come forward, 3*

30 EATHAN ALLEn'S

and kill thirteen Canadians, which were include ed in the treaty aforesaid.

It cut me to the heart to see the Canadians in so hard a case, in consequence of their having been true to me ; they were wringing their hands, say- ing their prayers, as I concluded, and expected immediate death. I therefore stepped between the execudoners and the Canadians, opened my clothes, and told Gen. Prescott to thrust his bay- onet into my breast, for I was the sole cause of the Canadians taking up arms.

The guard, in the mean time, rolling their eye- balls from the General to me, as though impatient- ly w^aiting his dread commands to sheath their bayonets in my heart ; I could, however, plainly discern, that he was in a suspense and quandary about the matter: This gave me additional hopes of succeeding ; for my design was not to die, but to save the Canadians by a finesse. The general stood a minute, when he made me the following reply ; " I will not execute you now ; but you shall grace a halter at Tyburn, God damn you."

I remember I disdained his mentioning such a place; I was, notwithstanding, a little pleased with the expression, as it significantly conveyed to me the idea of postponing the present appearance of death ; besides his sentence was by no means final, as to "gracing a halter," although I had

I

NARRATIVE. . 31

anxiety about it, after I landed in England, as the reader will find in the course of this history. Gen. Prescott then ordered one of his officers to take me on board the Gaspee schooner of war, and confine me, hands and feet, in irons,which was done the same afternoon I was taken.

The action continued an hour and three quar- ters, by the watch, and I know not to this day how many of my men were killed, though I am certain there were but few. If I remember right, 7 were wounded ; one of them, Wm. Stewart, by name, was wounded by a savage with a tomahawk, after he was taken prisoner and disarmed, but was rescued by some of the generous enemy ; and so far recovered of his wounds, that he after- wards went with the other prisoners to England.

Of the enemy, were killed a major Garden, who had been wounded in eleven different batdes, and an eminent merchant, Patterson, of Montreal, and some others, but I never knew their whole loss, as their accounts were different. I am apprehen- sive that it is rare, that so much ammunition was expended, and so httle execution done by it ; though such of my party as stood the ground, be- haved with great fortitude, much exceeding that of the enemy, but were not the best of marks- men, and, I am apprehensive, were all killed or taken ; the wounded were all put into the hospital

32 ETHAN Allen's

at Montreal, and those that were not, were put on board of different vessels in the river, and shackled together by pairs, viz. two men fastened together by one hand-cufF, being closely fixed to one wrist of each of them, and treated with the greatest severity, nay as criminals.

I now come to the description of the irons, which were put on me : The hand-cufF was of the common size and form, but my leg irons, 1 should imagine would weigh thirty pounds ; the bar was eight feet long, and very substantial ; the shackles, which encompassed my ancles, were very tight. I was told by the officer, who put them on, that it was the king's plate, and I heard other of their officers say, that it would weigh forty weight. The irons were so close upon my ancles, that I could not lay down in any other manner than on my back. 1 was put into the lowest and most wretched part of the vessel, where I got the favor of a chest to sit on ; the same answered for my bed at night ; and having procured some httle blocks of the guard, who day and night, with fixed bay- onets, watched over me, to lie under each end of the large bar of my leg irons, to preserve my ancles from galling, while I sat on the chest, or lay back on the same, though most of the time, night and day, I sat on it; but at lingth, having a desire to lie down on my side, which the close-

NARRATIVE. 33

ness of my irons forbid, 1 desired the captain to loosen them for that purpose; but was denied the favor. The captain's name was Royal, who did not seem to be an ill-natured man ; but oftentimes said, that his express orders were to treat me with such severity, which was disagreeable to his own feelings ; nor did he ever insult me, though many others, who came on board did. One of the officers, by the name of Bradley, was very generous to me ; he w^ould often send me victuals from his own table ; nor did a day fail, but he sent me a good drink of grog.

The reader is now invited back to the time I was put into irons. I requested the privilege to WTite to General Prescott, which was granted. I reminded him of the kiuvl and generous manner of my treatment of the prisoners I took at Ticon- deroga ; the injustice and ungendeman-like usage I had met with from him, and demanded better usage, but received no answer from him. I soon after wrote to Gen. Carleton, which met the same suc- cess. In the mean while, many of those who were permitted to see me, were very insulting.

I was conuned in the manner I have related, on board the Gaspee schooner, about six weeks ; du- ring which time I was obliged to throw out plenty of extravagant language, which answered certain

purposes, at that time, better than to grace a history.

34 ETHAN Allen's

To give an instance ; upon being insulted, in a fit of anger, I twisted off a nail with my teeth, which i took to be a ten-penny nail ; it went through the mortise of the bar of my hand cufF, and at the same time I swa9:o;ered over those who abused me ; particularly a Doctor Dace, who told me that I w^as oudawed by New-York, and de- served death for several years past ; was at last fully ripened for the halter, and in a fair way to obtain it. When I challenged him, he excused himself, in consequence, as he said, of my being a criminal ; but I flung such a flood of language at him that it shocked him and the spectators, for my anger was very great. I heard one say, damn him, can he eat iron? After that, a small padlock was fixed to the hand-cuff*, instead of the nail ; and as they were mean-spirited in their treatment to me, so it appeared to me, that they were equally timorous and cowardly.

1 was after sent, with the prisoners taken with me, to an armed vessel in the river, which lay off against Quebec, under the command of Capt> M'Cloud, of the British, who treated me in a very generous and obliging manner, and according to my rank ; in about twenty-four hours 1 bid him farewell with regret; but my good fortune still con- tinued. The name of the Captain of the vessel I was put on board, was Littlejohn ; who, with his

NARRATIVE. 35

officers, behaved in a polite, generous, and friend- Iv manner. I lived with them in the cabin, and fared on the best, my irons being taken off, con- trary to the order he had received from the com- manding officer; but Capt. Littiejohn swore, that a brave man should not be used as a rascal, on board his ship.

Thus I found myself in possession of happiness once more, and the evils I had lately suffered, gave me an uncommon relish for it.

Capt. Littiejohn used to go to Quebec almost every day, in order to pay his respects to certain gentlemen and ladies ; being there on a certain day, he happened to meet with some disagreeable treatment, as he imagined, from a Lieut, of a man of war, and one word brought on another, untiil the Lieutenant challenged him to a duel on the plains of Abraham. Capt. Littiejohn was a gen- tleman, who entertained a high sense of honor, and could do no le?s than accept the challenge.

At nine o'clock the next morning they were to fight. The Captain returned in the evening, and acquainted his Lieutenant and me with the affair. His Lieutenant was a high blooded Scotchman, as well as himself, who replied to his Captain that he should not want for a second. With this I inter- rupted him and gave the Captain to understand, that since an opportunity had presented, I would

36 ETHAx Allen's

be glad to testify my gratitude to him. by acting the part of a faithful second; on which he gave me his hand, and said that he wanted no better man. Says he, I am a King's officer, and you a prisoner under my care ; you must, therefore, go with me, to the place appointed in disguise, and added further ; *You must engage me, upon the honor of a gendeman, that whether I die or live, or whatever happens, provided you hve, that vou will return to my Lieutenant on board this ship.' All this I solemnly engaged him. Ihe combatants were to discharge each a pocket pistol, and then to fall on with their iron -hiked muckle whangers ; and one of that sort was allotted for me ; but some British officers, who interposed early in the morning, settled the controversy with- out fishtins;.

Now having enjoyed eight or nine days' hap- piness, from the pohte and generous treatment of Captain Littlejohn and his officers, I was obliged to bid them farewell, parting with them in as friendly a manner as we had lived together, which, to the best of my memory, w^as the eleventh of No- vember : when a detachment of General Arnold's little army appeared on Point Levi,* opposite

* Levi, a point of land in the river St. Lawrence, opposite to the city of Quebec.

NARRATIVE. 37

Quebec, who had performed an extraordinary march

through a wilderness country, with design to have

surprised the capital of Canada ; I was then taken

on board a vessel called the Adamant, together with the prisoners taken with me, and put under

the power of an English Merchant from London, whose name was Brook Watson : a man of mali- cious and cruel disposition, and who was probably excited, in the exercise of his malevolence, by a junto of tories, who sailed with him to England ; among whom were Col. Guy Johnson, Col. Closs, and their attendants and associates, to the number of about thirty.

All the ship's crew. Col. Closs, in his personal - behavior excepted, behaved towards the prison- * ers with that spirit of bitterness, which is the I peculiar characteristic of tories, when they have I the friends of America in their power, measuring i their loyalty to the English King by the barbarity, fraud and deceit which they exercise towards the whigs.

A small place in the vessel, enclosed with white oak plank, was assigned for the prisoners, and for me among the rest. I should imagine that it was not more than twenty feet one way, and twenty-two the other. Into this place we were all, to the number of thirty-four, thrust and hand- cuffed, two prisoners more being added to our 4

38 ETHAN AI.LEN's

number, and were provided with two excrement tubs ; in this circumference we were obliged to eat and perform the offices of evacuation, during the voyage to England; and were insulted by every black-guard sailor and tory on board, in the cruelest manner ; but what is the most surpri- sing is, that not one of us died in the passage. When I was first ordered to go into the filthy in- closure, through a small sort of door, I positively refused, and endeavored to reason the before named Brook Watson out of a conduct so dero- gatory to every sentiment of honor and humanity, but all to no purpose, my men being forced in the den already ; and the rascal who had the charge of the prisoners commanded me to go immediately in amoD2: the rest. He further added that the place was good enough for a rebel ; that it was impertinent for a capital offender to talk of honor or humanity ; that any thing short of a halter was too good for me ; and that that would be my por- tion soon after I landed in England ; for which purpose only J w\as sent thither. About the same time a lieutenant among the tories, insulted me in a grievous manner, saying that I ought to have been executed for my rebellion against New-York, and spit in my face ; upon which, though I was hand-cuffed, I sprang at him with bo:h hands, and knocked him partly down, but he scrambled along

NARRATIVE. 39

into the cabin, and I after him ; there he got un- der the protection of some men with fixed bayonets, who were ordered to make ready to drive me into the place aforementioned. I chal- lenged him to fight, notwithstanding the impedi- ments that were on my hands, and had the exalted pleasure to see the rascal tremble for fear ; his name I have forgot, but Watson ordered his guard to get me into the place with the other prisoners, dead or alive ; and I had almost as lieve die as do it, standing it out until they environed me round with bayonets ; and brutish, prejudiced, abandoned wretches they were, from whom I could expect nothing but death or wounds ; however I told them, that they were good honest fellows ; that I could not blame them ; that I was only in dispute with a calico merchant, who knew^ not how to behave towards a gendeman of the military establishment. This was spoken rather to appease them for my own preservation, as well as to treat Watson with contempt ; but still I found they were determined to force me into the wretched circumstances, which their prejudiced and depraved minds had prepared for me ; therefore, rather thandie, I sub- mitted to their indignities, being drove with bayon- ets into the filthy dungeon with the other prisoners, where we were denied fresh water, except a small allowance, which was very inadequate to

40 ETHAN Allen's

our wants ; and in consequence of the stench of the place, each of us was soon followed with a diarrhoea and fever, which occasioned an intoler- able thirst. When we asked for water, we were, most commonly, instead of obtaining, it insulted and derided ; and to add to all the horrors of the place, it was so dark that we could not see each other, and were overspread with body lice. We had, notwithstanding these severities, full allow- ance of salt provisions, and a gill of rum per day ; the latter of which was of the utmost service to us, and, probably, was the means of saving several of our lives. About forty days we existed in this manner, when the land's end of England w^as discovered from the mast head ; soon after which, the prisoners were taken from their gloomy abode, being permitted to see the light of the sun, and breathe fresh air, which to us was very refreshing. The day following we landed at Falmouth.

A few days before I w^as taken prisoner, I shift- ed my clothes, by which I happened be taken in a Canadian dress, viz : a short fawn-skin jacket, double-breasted, an undervest and breeches of sagathy, worsted stockings, a decent pair of shoes, two plain shirts, and a red worsted cap ; this was all the clothing I had, in which I made my appear- ance in England.

When the prisoners were landed, multitudes of

NARRATIVE.

41

the citizens of Falmouth, excited by curiosity, crowded to see us, which was equally gratifying to us. I saw numbers on the tops of houses, and the rising adjacent grounds were covered with them, of both sexes. The throng was so great, that the king's officers were obliged to draw their sword-s and force a passage to Pendennis casde, which was near a mile from the town, where we were closely confined, in consequence of orders from General Carleton, who then commanded in Canada.

The rascally Brook Watson then set out for London in great haste, expecting the reward of his zeal ; but the ministry received him, as I have been smce informed, rather coolly ; for the minority in parliament took advantage, arguing that the opposition of America to Great Britain, was not a rebellion : If it is, say they, why do you not execute Col. Allen according to law? But the majority argued that I ought to be executed, and that the opposition was really a rebellion, but that policy obliged them not to do it, inasmuch as the Congress had then most prisoners in their power; so that my being sent to England, for the purpose of being executed, and necessity restraining them, was rather a foil on their laws and authority, and they consequendy disapproved of my being sent thither. But i had never heard the least hint of those debates, in parhament, or of the working of 4*

42 ETHAN Allen's

their policy, until sometime after I left Eng-- land.

Consequently the reader will readily conceive T was anxious about my preservation, knowing that I was in the power of a haughty and cruel nation, considered as such. Therefore, the first proposi- tion which I determined in my own mind was, that humanity and moral suasion would not be consult- ed in the determining of my fate ; and those that daily came in great num.bers out of curiosity, to see me, both gende and simple, united in this, that I would be hanged. A gentleman from Amer- ica, by the name of Temple, and who was friendly to me, just whispered me in the ear, and told me that bets were laid in London, that I would be executed ; he likewise privately gave me a guinea, but durst say but litde to me.

However, agreeably to my first negative propo- sition, that moral virtue would not influence my destiny, 1 had recourse to stratagem, which I was in hopes would move in the circle of their poHcy. I requested of the commander of the castle the privilege of writing to Congress, who, after con- sulting with an officer that lived in town, of a su- perior rank, permitted me to write. 1 wrote, in the fore part of the letter, a short narrative of my ill-treatment; but withal let them know that, though I was treated as a criminal in England,

NARRATIVE. 43

and continued in irons, together with those taken with me, yet it was in consequence of the orders which the commander of the castle received from General Carleton ; and therefore desired Congress to desist from matters of retaUatioU; until they should know the result of the government in Eng- land, respecting their treatment towards me, and the prisoners with me, and govern themselves ac- cordingly, with a particular request, that if retalia- tion should be found necessary, it might be exer- cised not according to the smallness of my char- acter in America, but in proportion to the import- ance of the cause for which I suffered. This is, according to my present recollection, the substance of the letter, inscribed, — " To the illustrious Continental Congirss.^' This letter was written with a view that it should be sent to the ministry at London, rather than to Congress, with a design to intimidate the haughty Eng- lish governmjent, and screen my neck from the halter.

The next day the officer, from whom I obtained license to write, came to see me, and frowned on me on account of the impudence of the letter, as he phrased it, and further added, ' Do you think that we are fools in England, and would send your letter to Congress, with instructions to retahate on our own people ? 1 have sent your letter to Lord

44 EATHAN Allen's

North.' This gave me inward satisfaction, though I carefully concealed it with a pretended resent- ment, for I found I had come Yankee over him, and that the letter had gone to the identical per- son I designed it for. Nor do I know, to this day, but that it had the desired effect, though I have not heard any thing of the letter since.

My personal treatment by Lieutenant Hamilton, who commanded the castle, w^as very generous. He sent me every day a fine breakfast and dinner from his own table, and a botde of good wine. Another aged gendeman, whose name I cannot recollect, sent me a good supper. But there was no distinction in public support between me and the privates ; we all lodged on a sort of Dutch bunks, in one common appartment, and were allowed straw. The privates were well supplied with fresh provisions, and with me, took effectual measures to rid ourselves of lice.

I could not but feel, inwardly, extremely anx- ious for my fate. This, I however, concealed from the prisoners, as well as from the enemy, who were perpetually shaking the halter at me. I nevertheless treated them with scorn and con- tempt ; and having sent my letter to the ministry, could conceive of nothing more in my power but to keep up my spirits, behave in a daring, soldier- like manner, that I might exhibit a good sample

NARRATIVE. 45

of American fortitude.* Such a conduct, I judged would have a more probable tendency to my preservation than concession and timidity. This therefore, was my deportment ; and I had lastly determined, in my mind, that if a cruel death must inevitably be my portion, I would face it undaunted ; and, though I greatly rejoice that I re- turned to my country and friends, and to see the power and pride of Great Britain humbled ; yet I am confident I could then have died without the least appearance of dismay.

1 now clearly recollect that my mind was so resolved, that I would not have trembled or shewn the least fear, as I was sensible it could not alter my fate, nor do more than reproach my memory, make my last act despicable to my enemies, and eclipse the other actions of my hfe. For I rea- soned thus, that nothing was more common than for men to die with their friends around them, w^eeping and lamenting over them, but not able to help them, which was in reaUty not different in the consequence of it from such a death as I was

* The British must doubtless have had a high idea of the personal prowess of Mr. Allen ; and howeversuperiortheir regular discipline might have appeared in their own eyes, yet they could not but respect his courage. To this intrepid spirit, and the esteem it must have excited, the Colonel probably owes his complimentary meals and his daily bottle of wine.

46 ETHAN Allen's

apprehensive of; and, as death was the natural consequence of animal life to which the laws of nature subject mankind, to be timorous and un- easy as to the event and manner of it, was incon- sistent with the character of a philosopher and soldier. The cause I was engaged in, I ever viewed worthy hazarding my life for, nor was I, in the most critical moments of trouble, sorry that I engaged in it ; and, as to the world of spirits, though I knew nothing of the mode or manner of it, 1 expected nevertheless, when I should arrive at such a world, that I should be as well treated as other gentlemen of my merit.

Among the great numbers of people, who came to the casde to see the prisoners, some gentlemen told me that they had come fifty miles on purpose to see me, and desired to ask me a number of questions, and to make free with me in conversa- tion. I gave for answer that I chose freedom in every sense of the word. Then one of them asked me what my occupation in life had been ? I an- swered him, that in my younger days I had studied divinity, but was a conjuror by profession. He replied, that 1 conjured wrong at the time I was taken ; and I was obliged to own, that I mistook a figure at that time, but that I had conjured them out of Ticonderoga. This was a place of great notoriety in England, so that the joke seemed to go in my favor.

NARRATIVE. 47

It was a common thing for me to be taken out of close confinement, into a spacious green in the castle, or rather parade, where numbers of gentle- men and ladies were ready to see and hear me. I often entertained such audiences with harangues on the impracticability of Great Britain's conquer- ing the then colonies of America. At one of these times I asked a gentleman for a bowl of punch, and he ordered his servant to bring it, which he did, and offered it to me, but [ refused to take it from the hand of his servant ; he then gave it to me with his own hand, refusing to drink with me in consequence of my being a state criminal: — However, I took the punch and drank it all down at one draught, and handed the gentleman the bowl: this made the spectators as well as my- self merry.

1 expatiated on American freedom. This gain- ed the resentment of a young, beardless gentle- tleman of the company, who gave himself very great airs, and repUed that he *knew the Ameri- cans very well, and was certain that they could not bear the smell of powder.' I replied, that I accepted it as a challenge, and was ready to con- vince him on the spot, that an American could bear the smell of powder ; at which he answered that he should not put himself on a par with me. I then demanded of him to treat the character of

48 ETHAN Allen's

the Americans with due respect. He answered that I was an Irishman ; but I assured him that I was a full blooded Yankee, and in fine bantered him so much, that he left me in possession of the ground, and the laugh went against him. Two clergymen came to see me, and, inasmuch as they behaved with civility, I returned them the same. We discoursed on several parts of moral philoso- phy and Christianity ; and they seemed to be sur- prised that I should be acquainted with such top- ics, or that I should understand a syllogism, or reg- ular mode of argumentation. I am apprehensive my Canadian dress contributed not a little to the surprise, and excitement of curiosity: to see a gentleman in England regularly dressed and well behaved would be no sight at all ; but such a reb- el as they were pleased to call me, it is probable, was never before seen in England.

The prisoners were landed at Falmouth a few days before Christmas, and ordered on board of the Solebay frigate, Capt. Symonds, on the eighth day of January, 1776, when our hand irons were taken off. This remove was in consequence, as I have been since informed, of a writ of habeas cor- pus, which had been procured by some gentlemen in England, in order to obtain me my liberty.

The Solebay, with sundry other men-of-war, and about forty transports, rendezvoused at the

NARRATIVE. 49

cove of Cork in Ireland, to take in provisions and water.

When v^e were first brought on board, captain Symonds ordered all the prisoners, and most of the hands on board to go on the deck, and caused to be read in their hearing, a certain code of laws or rules, for the regulation and ordering of their be- havior ; and then in a sovereign manner, ordered the prisoners, me in particular, off the deck, and never to come on it again ; for, said he, this is a place for gentlemen to walk. So I went off, an officer following me, who told me that he would shew me the place allotted for me, and took me down to the cable tier, saying to me this is your place.

Prior to this I had taken cold, by which I was in an ill state of health, and did not sav much to the officer ; but stayed there that night, consulted my policy, and I found I was in an evil case ; that a captain of a man-of-war was more arbitrary than a king, as he could view his territory with a look of his eye, and a movement of his finger commanded obedience. I felt myself more des- ponding than I had done at any time before ; for I concluded it to be a government scheme, to do that clandestinely which pohcy forbid to be done under sanction of any public justice and law.

6

50 ETHAN Allen's

However, two days after, I shaved and cleansed myself as well as I could, and went on deck. The captain spoke to me in a great rage, and said : * did I not order you not to come on deck?' I answered him, that at the same time he said, ' that it w^as the place for gendemen to walk ; that I was Colonel Allen, but had not been properly introduced to him.' He replied, G — d damn you, sir, be careful not to walk the same side of the deck that I do. This gave me encouragement, and ever after that I walked in the manner he had directed, except when he, at certain times after- w^ards, had ordered me off in a passion, and I then would directly afterwards go on again, telling him to command his slaves; that I was a gentleman and had a ri2;ht to walk the deck : vet when he expressly ordered me off, I obeyed, not out of obedience to him, but to set an example to the ship's crew, who ought to obey him.

To walk to the windward side of the deck is, according to custom, the prerogative of the captain of the man-of-war, though he, sometimes, nay commonlv, walks with his lieutenants, when no strangers are by. When a captain from some other man-of-war, comes on board, the captains walk to the windward side, and the other gende- men to the leeward.

It vras but a few^ nights I lodged in the cable

NARRATIVE. 51

tier, before I gained an acquaintance with the mas- ter of arms, his name was Gillegan, an Irishman, who was a generous and well disposed man, and in a friendly manner made me an offer of living with him in a little birth, which was allotted him between decks, and enclosed with canvass; his preferment on board w^as about equal to that of a Serjeant in a regiment. I was comparatively happy in the acceptance of his clemency, and lived with him in friendship till the frigate anchored in the harbor of Cape Fear, North Carolina, in America.

Nothing of material consequence happened till the fleet rendezvoused at the cove of Cork, except a violent storm which brought old hardy sailors to their prayers. It was soon rumored in Cork that I was 00 board the Solebay, with a number of prisoners from America ; upon which Messrs. Clark <fe Hays, merchants in company, and a number of other benevolently disposed gentlemen, contributed largely to the relief and support of the prisoners, who were thirty-four in number, and in very needy circumstances. A suit of clothes from head to foot, including an overcoat or sur- tout, and two shirts were bestowed upon each of them. My suit I received in superfine broadcloths, sufficient for two jackets and two pair of breeches, overplus of a suit throughout, eight fine Holland

52 ETHAN Allen's

shirts and stocks ready made, with a number of pairs of silk and worsted hose, two pair of shoes, two beaver hats, one of which was sent me richly laced with gold, by James Bonwell. The Irish gentlemen furthermore made a large gratuity of wines of the best sort, spirits, gin, loaf and brown sugar, tea and chocolate, with a large round of pickled beef, and a number of fat turkies, with many other articles, for my sea stores, too tedious to mention here. To tlie privates they bestowed on each man two pounds of tea, and six pounds of brown sugar. These articles were received on board at a time when the captain and first lieutenant were gone on shore, by the permission of the second lieutenant, a handsome young gen? tleman, who was then under twenty years of age ; his name was Douglass, son of admiral Doug- lass, as I was informed.

As this munificence was so unexpected and plentiful, I may add needful, it impressed on my mind the highest sense of gratitude towards my benefactors ; for I was not only supplied with the necessaries and conveniences of life, but with the grandeurs and superfluities of it. Mr. Hays, one of the donators before-mentioned, came on board, and behaved in the most obliging manner, telling me that he hoped my troubles were past ; for that the gentlemen of Cork determined to make my

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sea stores equal to those of the captain of the Sole- bay ; he made an offer of live stock and v. herewith to support them ; but I knew this would be denied. And to crown all, did send me by another person, fifty guineas, but I could not reconcile receiving the whole to my own feelings, as it might have the appearance of avarice; and therefore received but seven guineas only, and am confident, not only from the exercise of the present well timed generosity, but from a large acquaintance with gendemen of this nation, that as ^a people they excel in liberality and bravery.

Two days after the receipt of the aforesaid do- nations, captain Symonds came on board, full of envy towards the prisoners, and swore by all that is good, that the damned American rebels should not be feasted at this rate, by the damned rebels of Ireland ; he therefore took away all my liquors before-mentioned, except some of the wine which was secreted, and a two gallon jug of old spirits which was reserved for me per favor of lieutenant Douglass. The taking of my liquors was abomin- able m his sight ; he therefore spoice in n\y behalf, till the captain was angry uith him ; and in con- sequence, proceeded and took away nil the tea and sugar, which had been given to the prisoners, and confiscated it to the use of the ship's crew. Our cloihing was not taken away, but the piivates 3*

54 EATHAN ALLEN S

were forced to do duty on board. Soon after this* there came a boat to the side of the ship, and captain Symonds asked a gendeman in it, in my hearing, v.'hat his business was? who answered that he was sent to deUver some sea stores to Col. Allen, which if I remember right, he said were sent from Dublin ; but the captain damned him heartily, ordering him away from the ship, and would not suffer him to deliver the stores. I was further- more informed that the geiitlemen in Cork, requested of captain Symonds, that I might be allowed to come into the city, and that they w^ould be responsible I should return to the frigate at a given time, which was denied them.

We sailed from England the 8th day of January, and from the cove ot Cork the i2th day of Feb'y. Just before we sailed, the prisoners with me were divided, and put on board three different ships of war. This gave me some uneasiness, for they were to a man zealous in the cause of liberty, and behaved with a becoming fortitude in the various scenes of their captivity ; but those, who were distributed on board other ships of war were much better used than those who tarried with me,- as appeared afterwards. When the fleet, con- sisting of about forty-five sail, including five men of war, sailed from the cove with a fresh breeze, the appearance was beautiful, abstracted from the-

:ffARRATIVE. 55

Unjust and bloody designs they had in view. We had not sailed many days, before a mighty storm arose, which lasted near twenty-four hours with- out/intermission. The wind blew with relendess fury, and no man could remain on deck, except he was lashed fast, for the waves rolled over the deck by turns, with a forcible rapidity and every soul on board was anxious for the preservation of the ship, ahas, their lives. In this storm the Thun- der-bomb man of war sprang a leak, and was afterwards floated to some part to the coast of England, and the crew saved. We were then said to be in the Bay of Biscay. After the storm abated, I could plainly discern the prisoners were better used for some considerable time.

Nothing of consequence happened after this, till we had sailed to the island of Madeira, except a certain favor I had received of captain Symonds^ in consequence of an application I made to him for the privilege of his tailor to make me a suit of clothes of the cloth bestowed on me in Ireland, which he generously granted. I could then walk the deck with a seeming better grace. When we had reached Madeira, and anchored, sundry gen- tlemen with the captain went on shore, who I conclude, gave the rumor that I w^as in the frigate y upon which I soon after found that Irish generosity was again excited ; for a gentleman of that natioB

k

56 ETHAN Allen's

sent his clerk on board, to know of me if I would accept a sea store from him, particularly wine. This matter I made known to the generous Heu- tenant Douglass, who readily granted me the favor, provided the articles could be brought on board, during the time of his command ; adding that it would be a pleasure to him to serve me, notwithstanding the opposition he met with before. So I directed the gentleman's clerk to inform him that I was greatly in need of so signal a charity, and desired the young gentleman to make the the utmost despatch, which he did ; but in the meantime, captain Symonds and his officers came on board, and immediately made ready for sailing ; the wind at the same time being fair, set sail when the young gentleman was in fair sight with the aforesaid store.

The reader will doubtless recollect the seven guineas I received at the cove of Cork. These enabled me to purchase of the purser what I wanted, had not the Captain strictly forbidden it, though I made sundry applicaiions to him for that purpose; but his answer to me, when I was sick, was, that it was no matter how soon I was dead, and that he was no ways anxious to preserve the lives of rebels, but wished them all dead ; and indeed that was the language of most ol the ship's crew. I expostulated not only with the captain,

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but with other gentlemen on board, on the unrea- sonableness of such usage; inferring that, inas- much as the government in England did not pro- ceed against me as a capital offender, they should not ; for that they were by no means empowered by any authority, either civil or military, to do so ; for the Enghsh government had acquitted me by sending me back a prisoner of war to America, and that they should treat me as such. I further drew an inference of impolicy on them, provided they should by hard usage, destroy my hfe ; inas- much as I might, if living, redeem one of their officers ; but the captain repHed, that he needed no directions of mine how to treat a rebel ; that the British would conquer the American rebels, hang the Congress, and such as promoted the rebellion, me in particular, and retake their own prisoners ; so that my life was of no consequence in the scale of their policy. I gave him for an- swer that if they stayed till they conquered Ame- rica, before they hanged me, 1 should die of old age, and desired that till such an event took place, he would at least allow me to purchase of the purser, for my own money, such articles as I gready needed ; but he would not permit it, and when 1 reminded him of the generous and civil usage that their prisoners in captivity in America met with, he said that it was not owing to their

58 EATHAN Allen's

goodness, but to their timidity ; for, said he, they expect to be conquered, and therefore dare not misuse our prisoners ; and in fact this was the language of the British officers, till Burgoyne was taken ; * happy event ! and not only of the officers but the whole British army. I appeal to all my brother prisoners, who have been with the British in the southern department, for a confirmation of what I have advanced on this subject. The surgeon of the Solebay, whose name was North, was a very humaiie, obliging man, and took the best care of the prisoners who were sick.

The third day of May we cast anchor in the harbor of Cape Fear, in North Carolina, as did

* It was the plan of the British generals, to push a body of troops from New- York, to join General Burgoyne at Albany, and by establishing a line of British posts on the Hudson, to intercept the intercourse between the New England and Southern States. While General Burgoyne was attempting to advance towards Al- bany, General Clinton with a force of three thousand men took possion of Fort Montgomery, after severe loss. General Vaughan, with a body of troops, on board of armed ships, sailed up the Hud- son, as far as Livingston's manor, where he landed a party, burnt a large house belonging to one of the family ; then sent a party to the opposite shore and laid in ashes the town of Kingston. But General Burgoyne, despairing of the junction between his army and the division from New-York, surrounded by a superior army, and unable to retreat, consented to capitulate, and on the 17th of October, surrendered to the American General. The detach- ment under General Vaughan returned to New- York and the plan of the British commanders was totally frustrated.

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Sir Peter Parker's ship, of 50 guns, a little back of the bar ; for there was not depth of water for him to come into the harbor. These two men of war, and fourteen sail of transports and others, came after, so that most of the fleet rendezvoused at Cape Fear, for three weeks. The soldiers on board the transports were sickly, in consequence of so long a passage ; add to this the small-pox carried off many of them. They landed on the main, and formed a camp ; but the riflemen an- noyed them, and caused them to move to an island in the harbor ; but such cursing of riflemen I never heard.

A detachment of regulars was sent up Bruns- wick river ; as they landed, they were fired on by those marksmen, and they came back next day damning the rebels for their unmanly way of fight- ing, and swearing that they would give no quarter, for they took sight at them, and were behind tim- ber skulking about. One of the detachments said they lost one man ; but a negro man who was with them, and heard what was said, soon after told me that he helped to bury thirty-one ot them ; this did me some good to find my countrymen giving them batde ; for I never heard such swag- gering as among Gen. Clinton's little army who commanded at that time ; and I am apt to think there were four thousand men, though not two

60 ETHAN Allen's

thirds of them fit for duty. I heard numbers of them say, that the trees in America should hang well with fruit that campaign for they would give no quarter. This was in the mouths of most who I heard speak on the subject, officer as well as soldier. 1 wished at that time my countrymen knew, as well as I did, what a murdering and cruel enemy they had to deal with ; but experience has since taught this country, what they are to ex- pect at the hands of Britons when in their power.

The prisoners, who had been sent on board different men of war at the cove of Cork, were collected together, and the whole of them put on board the JMercury frigate, capt. James Montague, except one of the Canadians, who died on the passage from Ireland, and Peter Noble, who made his escape from the Sphynx man-of-war in this harbour, and, by extraordinary swimming, got safe home to New-England, and gave intelligence of the usage of his brother prisoners. The Mercury set sail from this port for Halifax, about the 20th ofMav, and Sir Peter Parker was about to sail wdth the land forces, under the command of Gen. Clinton, for the reduction of Ch^^rleston, the capitol of South- Carolina, and when 1 heard of his defeat in Halifax, it gave me inexpressible satisfaction.

I now found myself under a worse captain than Symonds ; for Montague was loaded with preju*

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dices against every body, and every thing that was not stamped with royalty; and being by nature underwitted, his wrath was heavier than the others, or at least his mind was in no instance Ha- me to be diverted by good sense, humour or bra- very, of which Symonds was by turns susceptible. A Capt. Francis Proctor w^as added to our num- ber of prisoners when we were first put on board this ship. This gentleman had formerly belonged to the English service. The Captain, and in fine, all the gentlemen of the ship, w^ere very much in- sensed against him, and put him in irons with- out the least provocation, and he was continued in this miserable situation about three months. In this passage the prisoners were mfected with the scurvy, some more and some less, but most of them severely. The ship's crew was to a great degree troubled with it, and I concluded that it was catching. Several of the crew died with it on their passage. I was weak and feeble in con- sequence of so long and cruel a captivity, yet had but little of the scurvy.

The purser was again expressly forbid by the captain to let me have any thing out of his store ; upon which I went upon deck, and in the hand- somest manner requested the favor of purchasing a few necessaries of the purser, which was deni- ed me ; he further told me, that I should be 6

62 ETHAX Allen's

hanged as soon as I arrived at Halifax. 1 tried to reason the matter with him, but found him proof against reason; I also held up his honor to view, and his behavior to me and the prisoners in general, as being derogatory to it, but found his honor impenetrable. I then endeavored to touch his humanity, but found he had none ; for his pre- possession of bigotry to his own party, had con- firmed him in an opinion, that no humanity was due to unroyalists, but seemed to think that hea- ven and earth were made merely to gratify the King and his creatures ; he uttered considerable unintelligible and grovelling ideas, a little tinctur- ed with monarchy, but stood well to his text of handns; me. He afterwards forbade his sur2;eon

O <~J i'

to administer any help to the sick prisoners. I was every night shut down in the cable tier, with the rest of the prisoners, and we all lived misera- bly while under his power. But I received some generosity from several of the midshipmen, who in degree alleviated my misery ; one of their names was Putrass, the names of the others I do not re- collect ; but they were obliged to be private in the bestowment of their favor, which was sometimes good wine bitters, and at others a generous drink of grog.

Sometime in the first week of June, we came to anchor at the Hook off New York, where we

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remained but three days ; in which time governor Tryon, Mr. Kemp, the old attorney general of New -York, and several other perfidious and over grown tories and land-jobbers, came on board. Tryon viewed me with a stern countenance, as 1 was walking on the leeward side the deck with the midshipmen ; and he and his companions were walking with the captain and lieutenant, on the windward side of the same, but never spoke to me, though it is altogether probable that he thought of the old quarrel between him, the old govern- ment of New York, and the Green-IVIountain Boys. Then they went with the captain into the cabin, and the same afternoon returned on board a ves- sel, where at that time they took sanctuary from the resentment of their injured country. What passed betw^een the ofiicers of the ship and these vi- siters I know not ; but this I know that my treatment from the ofiicers was more severe afterwards.

We arrived at Halifax not far from the middle of June, where the ship's crew, which was infested with the scurvy, were taken on shore, and shallow trenches dug, into which they were put, and partly covered with earth. Indeed every proper mea- sure was taken for their reUef. The prisoners were not permitted any sort of medicine, but were put on board a sloop which lay in the harbor, near the town of Halifax, surrounded with several men oi

64 ETHAN Allen's

war and their tenders, and a guard constantly set over them, night and day. The sloop we had whol- ly to ourselves except the guard who occupied the forecastle ; here we were cruelly pinched with hunger ; it seemed to me that we had not more than one third of the common allowance. We were all seized with violent hunger and faitness ; we divided our scanty allowance as exact as possi- ble. I shared the same fate with the rest, and though they offered me more than an even share, I refu- sed to accept it, as it was a time of substantial distress, which in my opinion I ought to partake equally with the rest, and set an example of virtue and fortitude to our little commonwealth.

I sent letter after letter to captain Montague, who still had the care of us, and also to his lieu- tenant, whose name I cannot call to mind, but could obtain no answer, much less a redress of grievances ; and to add to the calamity, near a dozen of the prisoners were dangerously ill of the scurvy. 1 wrote private letters to the doctors, to procure, if possible, some remedy for the sick, but in vain. The chief physician came by in a boat, so close that the oars touched the sloop that we were in, and 1 uttered my complaint in the genteelest manner to him, but he never so much as turned his head, or made me any answer, though I continued speaking till he got out of hearing.

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Oar- cause then became deplorable. Still I kept writing to the captain, till he ordered the guards, as they told me, not to bring any more letters from me to him. In the meantime an event hap- pened worth relating. One of the men almost dead with the scurvy. Jay by the side of the sloop, and a canoe of [ndians coming by, he purchased two quarts of strawberries, and ate them at once, and it almost cured him* The money he gave for them, was all the money he had in the world. After that we tried every way to p;ocure more of that fruit, reasoning from analogy that they might have the same effect on others infested v^ith the same disease, but could obtain none.

Meanwhile the doctor's mate of the Mercury ■came privately on board the prison sloop and presented me with a large vial oi' smart drops, which proved to be good for the scurvy, though vegetables and some other ingredients were requi- site for a cure ; but the drops gave at lea-st a check to the disease^ This was a well-timed exertion of humanity, but the doctor's name has slipped my mind, and in my opinion, it was the means of saving the hves of several men.

The guard, which was set over us, was hy this

time touched with the feelings of compassion ;

and I finally trusted one of them with a letter of

^complaint to governor Arbuthnot, of Halifax, which

6*

6(j ETHA^ ALLEN^S

he found means to communicate, and which had the desired effect ; for the governor sent an officer and surgeon on board the prison sloop, to know the truth of the complaint. The officer's name was Russell, wlio held the rank of lieutenant, and treated me in a friendly and polite manner, and was really angry at the cruel and unmanly usage the prisoners met with ; and with the surgeon made a true report of matters to governor Arbuthnot, who, either by his order or influence, took us next day from the prison sloop to Halifax jail, where 1 first became acquainted with the now^ Hon. James Lovel, one of the members of Congress for the state of Massachusetts. The sick were taken to the hospital, and the Canadians, who- were effective, were employed in the King's w^orks ; and when their countrymen were recovered from the scurvy and joined them, they all deserted the king's employ, and were not heard of at Hali- fax, as long as the remainder of the prisoners' continued there, which was till near the middle of October. We ^vere on board the prison sloop about six weeks, and w^ere landed at Halifax near the middle of August. Several of our English-Amer- ican prisoners, who were cured of the scurvy at the hospital, made their escape from thenccy and after a long time reached their old habita- tions.

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1 had now but thirteen with me, of those who were taken in Canada, and remained in jail with me in Halifax, who, in addition to those that were imprisoned before, made our number about thirty- four, who were all locked up in one common large room, v/ithout regard to rank, education or any other accomphshment, where we continued from the setting to the rising sun ; and, as sundry of them were infected with the jail and other dis- tempers, the furniture of this spacious room con- sisted principally of excrement tubs. We petitioned for a removal of the sick into the hospitals, but were denied. We remonstrated a2:ainst the un2:en- erous usage of being confined with the privates, as being contrary to the laws and customs of nations, and particularly ungrateful in them in consequence of the gentleman -like usage which the British im- prisoned officers met with in America ; and thus we wearied ourselves, petitioning and remonstra- ting, but to no purpose at all ; for general Massey, who commanded at Halifax, was as inflexible as the devil himself, a fine preparative this for Mr* Lovel, member of the Continental Congress.

Lieutenant Russell, whom I have mentioned before, came to visit me in prison, and assured me that he had done his utmost to procure my parole for enlargement ; at which a British captain, who was then town-major, expressed compassion

08 ETHAN Allen's

for the gentlemen confined in the fiUhy place, and assured me that he had used his influence to pro-^ cure their enlargement ; his name was near like Ramsey. Among the prisoners there were five in number, who had a legal claim to a parole, viz* James Lovel, Esq., captain Francis Proctor, a Mr. Rowland, master of a continental armed vessel, a Mr. Taylor, his mate, and myself.

As to the article of provision, we were well ser- ved, much better than in any part oi my capUvi- ty; and since it was Mr. LovePs misfortunes and mine to be prisoners, and in so wretched circum- stances, I was happy that we were together as a mutual support to each other, and to the unfortu- nate prisoners with us. Our first attention was the preservation of ourselves and injured little re- public ; the rest of our time we devoted inter- changeably to politics and philosophy, as patience was a needful exercise in so evil a situation, but contentment mean and impracticable^

I had not been in this jail many days, before a worthy and charitable woman, by the name of Mrs. Blacden, supplied me with a good dinner of fresh meats every day, with garden fruit, and sometimes with a botde of wine: notwithstandins: which I had not been more than three weeks in this place before I lost all appetite to the most de- licious food, by the jail distemper, as also did

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sundry of the prisoners, particularly a sergeant Moore, a man of courage and fidelity. 1 have several times seen him hold the boatswain of the Solebay frigate, when he attempted to strike him, and laughed him out of conceit of using him as a slave.

A doctor visited the sick, and did the best, as I suppose, he could for them, to no apparent pur- pose. I grew weaker and weaker, as did the rest. Several of them could not help themselves. At last I reasoned in my own mind, that raw onion would be good. I made use of it, and found im- mediate relief by it, as did the sick in general, par- ticularly sergeant Moore, whom it recovered almost from the shades ; though I had met with a litde revival, still I found the malignant hand of Britain had greatly reduced my constitution with stroke upon stroke. Esquire Lovel and myself used every argument and entreaty that could be well conceived of in order to obtain gendeman-like usage, to no purpose. I then wrote Gen. Massey as severe a letter as I possibly could with my friend Lovel's assistance. The contents of it was to give the British, as a nation, and him as an individual, their true character. This roused the rascal, for he could not bear to see his and the nation's de- formity in that transparent letter, which I sent him"; he therefore put himself in a great rage about it.

70 ETHAN Allen's

and showed the letter to a number of British offi- cers, particularly to captain Smith of the Lark frigate, who, instead of joining with him in disap- probation, commended the spirit of it ; upon which general Massey said to him do you take the part of a rebel against me ? Captain Smith answered that he rather spoke his sentiments, and there was a dissention in opinion between them. Some officers took the part of the general, and others of the captain. This I was informed of by a gentleman who had it from captain Smith.

In a few days after this, the prisoners were or- dered to go on board of a man of war, which was bound for New-York ; but two of them were not able to go on board, and were left at Halifax ; one died ; and the other recovered. This was about the 12th of October, and soon after we had got on board, the captain sent for me in particular to come on the quarter deck. I went, not knowing that it was captain Smith, or his ship, at that time, and expected to meet the same rigorous usage I had commonly met with, and prepared my mind accordingly ; but when I came on deck, the cap- tain met me with his hand, welcomed me to his ship, invited me to dine with him that day, and assured me that I should be treated as a gende- man, and that he had given orders, that I should be treated with respect by the ship's crew. This

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was so unexpected and sudden a transition, that it drew tears from my eyes, which all the ill usage 1 had before met with, was not able to produce, nor could I at first hardly speak, but soon recov- ered myself and expressed my gratitude for so unexpected a favor ; and let him know that I felt anxiety of mind in reflecting that his situation and mine was such, that it was not probable that it would ever be in my power to return the favor. Captain Smith rephed, that he had no reward in view, but only treated me as a gentleman ought to be treated ; he said this is a mutable world, and one gentleman never knows but it may be in his power to help another. Soon after I found this to be the same captain Smith who took my part against general Massey ; but he never men- tioned any thing of it to me, and 1 thought it impolite in me to interrogate him, as to any dis- putes which might have arisen between him and the general on my account, as I was a prisoner, and that it was at his option to make free with me on that subject, if he pleased ; and if he did not, I might take it for granted that it would be un- pleasing for me to query about it, though I had a strong propensity to converse with him on that subject.

I dined with the captain agreeable to his invita- tion, and oftentimes with the lieutenant, in the

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gun-room, but in general ate and drank with my friend Lovel and the other gentlemen who were prisoners with me, where I also slept.

We had a little berth enclosed with canvas, be- tween decks, where we enjoyed ourselves very well, in hopes of an exchange ; besides, our friends at Halifax had a little notice of our depar- ture, and supphed us with spirituous liquor, and many articles of provision for the cost. Captain Burk, having been taken prisoner, was added to our company, (he had commanded an American armed vessel) and w^as generously treated by the captain and all the officers of the ship, as well as myself. We now had in all near thirty prisoners on board, and as we were sailing along the coast, if I recollect right, off Ehode-Island, captain Burk, with an under officer of the ship, whose name I do not recollect, came to our little berth, proposed to kill captain Smith and the principal officers of the frigate and take it ; adding that there were thirty-five thousand pounds sterling in the same. Captain Burk likewise averred that a strong party out of the ship's crew was in the conspiracy, and urged me, and the gentleman that was with me, to use our influence with the private prisoners, to execute the design, and take the ship with the cash into one of our own ports.

Upon which I replied, that we had been too

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well used on board to murder the officers ; that I could by no means reconcile it to my conscience, and that, in fact, it should not be done ; and while I was yet speaking, my friend Lovel confirmed what I had said, and farther pointed out the un- gratefulness of such an act ; that it did not fall short of murder, and in fine all the gendemen in the berth opposed captain Burk and his colleague. But they strenuously urged that the conspiracy would be found out, and that it would cost them their hves, provided they did not execute their design. I then interposed spiritedly, and put an end to further argument on the subject, and told them that they might depend upon it, upon my honor, that I would faithfully guard captain Smith's life. If they should attempt the assault, I would assist him, for they desired me to remain neuter, and that the same honor that guarded captain Smith's life, would also guard theirs ; and it was agreed by those present not to reveal the conspiracy, to the intent that no man should be put to death, in consequence of what had been projected ; and captain Burk and his colleague went to sdfle the matter among then- associates. I could not help calling to mind what captain Smith said to me, when I first came on board : " This is a mutable world, and one gentleman never knows but that it may be in his power to help another." Captain 7

74 ETHAx Allen's

Smith and his officers still behaved with their usual courtesy, and I never heard any more of the conspiracy.

We arrived before New-York, and cast anchor the latter part of October, where we remained several days, and where captain Smith informed me, that he had recommended me to admiral Howe and general Sir Wm. Howe, as a gentle- man of honor and veracity, and desired that I might be treated as such. Captain Burk was then ordered on board a prison-ship in the harbor. I took my leave of captain Smith, and with the other prisoners, was sent on board a transport ship, which lay in the harbor, commanded by captain Craige, who took me into the cabin with him and his lieutenant. 1 fared as thev did, and was in every respect well treated, in consequence of directions from captain Smith. In a few weeks after this I had the happiness to part with my friend Lovel, for his sake, whom the enemy af- fected to treat as a private ; he was a gentleman of merit, and liberally educated, but had no com- mission ; they maligned him on account of his unshaken attachment to the cause of his country. He w^as exchanged for a governor Philip Skene of of the British. I was continued in this ship till the latter part of November, where I contracted an acquaintance v»'ith the captain of the British ;

NARRATIVE. 75

his name has slipped my memory. He was what we may call a genteel, hearty fellow. I remember an expression of his over a bottle of wine, to this import : " That there is a greatness of soul for personal friendship to subsist between you and me, as we are upon opposite sides, and may at another day be obliged to face each other in the field." I am confident that he was as faithful as any officer in the British army. At another sit- ting he offered to bet a dozen of wine, that fort Washington would be in the hands of the British in three days. I stood the bet, and would, had I known that that would have been the case ; and the third day afterguards we heard a heavy cannonade, and that day the fort was taken sure ehough. Some months after, when I was on parole, he called upon me with his usual humor, and mentioned the bet. I acknowledged I had lost it, but he said he did not mean to take it then, as I was a prisoner ; that he would another day call on me, when their army came to Ben- nington. I replied, that he was quite too generous, as [ had fairly lost it ; besides, the Green-Moun- tain-Boys would not suff*er them to come to Bennington. This "was all in good humor. I should have been glad to have seen him after the defeat at Bennington, but did not. It was cus- tomary for a guard to attend the prisoners, which

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was often changed. One was composed of tories from Connecticut, in the vicinity of Fairfield and Green Farms. The sersieant's name was Hoit. They were very full of their invectives against the country, swaggered of their loyalty to their king, and exclaimed bitterly against the " cowardly yankees," as they were pleased to term them, but finally contented themselves with saying, that when the country was overcome, they should be well rewarded for their loyalty out of the estates of the whigs, which would be confiscated. This I found to be the general language of the tories, after I arrived from England on the American coast. 1 heard sundry of them relate, that the British generals had engaged them an ample re- ward for their losses, disappointments and expen- ditures, out of the forfeited rebels' estates. This language early taught me what to do with tories' estates, as far as my influence can go. For it is really a game of hazard between whig and tory. The whigs must inevitably have lost all, in conse- quence of the abilities of the tories, and their good friends the British ; and it is no more than right the tories should run the same risk, in con- sequence of the abilities of the whigs. But of this more will be observed in the sequel of this narrative.

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Some of the last days of November, the prison- 61*3 were landed at New-York, and I was admitted to parole with the other officers, viz: Proctor, Howland and Taylor. The privates were put into filthy churches in New-York, with the distressed prisoners that were taken at Fort Washington ; and the second night, sergeant Roger Moore, who was bold and enterprising, found means to make his escape with every of the remaining prisoners that were taken with me, except three, who were soon after exchanged. So that out of thirty-one prison- ers, w^io went with me the round exhibited in these sheets, two only died with the enemy, and three only were exchanged ; one of whom died after he came within our lines ; all the rest, at diiferent times, made their escape from the enemy.

I now found myself on parole, and restricted to the hmits of the city of New-York, where I soon projected means to live in some measure agreeably to my rank, though I was destitute of cash. My constitution was almost worn out by such a long and barbarous captivity. The enemy gave out that I was crazy, and wholly unmanned, but my vitals held sound, nor was I delirious any more than I had been from youth up ; but my extreme circumstances, at certain times, rendered it politic to act in some measure the madman ; and in consequence of a regular diet and exercise,

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my blood recruited, and my nerves in a great measure recovered their former tone, strength and usefulness, in the course of six months.

I next invite the reader to a retrospective sight and consideration of the doleful scene of inhuman- ity, exercised by general Sir William Howe, and the army under his command, towards the prison- ers taken on Long-Island, on the 27th day of Aug. 1776; sundry of Vvhom were, in an inhuman and barbarous manner, murdered after they had sur- rendered their arms , particularly a general Odel, or Woodhull, of the militia, who was hacked to pieces with cudasses, when alive, by the light horsemen, and a captain Fellows, of the conti- nental armv, who was thrust throu2:h with a bavonet, of which wound he died instandv. Sunr- dry others were hanged up by the neck till they w^ere dead ; five on the limb af a white oak tree, and without any reason assigned, except that thev were fighung in defence of the only blessing worth preserving. And indeed those who had the mis- fortune to fall into their hands at Fort Washington, in the month of November following, met with but very little better usage, except that they were reserved from immediate death to famish and die with hun-ger ; in fine, the word rebel, applied to any vanquished persons, without regard to rank, who were in the continental service^ on the 27th of

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August aforesaid, was thought, by the enemy, suf- ficient to sanctify whatever cruelties they were pleased to inflict, death itself not excepted ; but •to pass over particulars which would swell my my narrative far beyond my design.

The private soldiers, who were brought to New York, were crowded into churches, and environed with slavish Hessian guards, a people of a strange language, who were sent to America for no other design but cruelty and desolation ; and at others, by merciless Britons whose mode of communica- ting ideas being intelligible in this country, served only to tantalize and insult the helpless and per- ishing ; but above all, the hellish delight and tri- umph of the tories over them, as they were dying by hundreds. This was too much for me to bear as a spectator ; for I saw the tories exulting over the dead bodies of their murdered countrymen. I have gone into the churches, and seen sundry of the prisoners in the agonies of death, in con- sequence of very hunger, and others speechless, and very near death, biting pieces of chips ; others pleading for God's sake, for something to eat, and at the same time, shivering with the cold. Kollow groans saluted my ears, and despair seemed to be imprinted on every of their countenances. The filth in these churches, in consequence of the fluxes, was almost beyond de^

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scription. The floors were covered with excre- ments. I have carefully sought to direct my steps so as to avoid it, but could not. They would beg for God's sake for one copper, or morsel of bread. I have seen in one of these churches seven dead, at the same time, lying among the excrements of their bodies.

It was a common practice with the enemy, to convey the dead from these filthy places, in carts, to be slightly buried, and I have seen whole gangs of tories making derision, and exulting over the dead, saying, there goes another load of damned rebels, I have observed the British soldiers to be full of their black-guard jokes, and vaunting on those occasions, but they appeared to me less malignant than tories.

The provision dealt out to the prisoners was by no means sufficient for the support of life. It was deficient in quantity, and much more so in quality. The prisoners often presented me with a sample of their bread, which I certify was damaged to that degree, that it was loathsome and unfit to be eaten, and I am bold to aver ir, as my opinion, that it had been condemned, and was of the very worst sort. I have seen and been fed upon dam- aged bread, in the course of my captivity, and observed the quality of such bread as has been condemned by the enemy, among which was very

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little so effectually spoiled as what was dealt out to these prisoners. Their allowance of meat (as they told me) was quite trifling, and of the basest sort. I never saw any of it, but was informed, that bad as it was, it was swallowed almost as quick as they got hold of it. I saw some of them sucking bones after they were speechless ; others, who could yet speak, and had the use of their reason, urged me, in the strongest and most pathetic manner, to use my interest in their be- half; for you plainly see, said they, that w^e are devoted to death and destruction ; and after 1 had examined more particularly into their truly deplo- rable condition, and had become more fully apprized of the essential facts, I was persuaded that it was a premeditated and systematical plan of the British council, to destroy the youths of our land, with a view thereby to deter the coun- try, and make it submit to their despotism ; but that I could not do them any material service, and that, by any public attempt for that purpose, I might endanger myself by frequenting places the most nauseous and contagious that could be con- ceived of. I refrained going into churches, but frequently conversed with such of the prisoners as were admitted to come out into the yard, and found that the systematical usage still continued.- The guard would often drive me away with their

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fixed bayonets. A Hessian one day followed me five or six rods, but by making use of my legs, I got rid of the lubber. Sometimes I could ob- tain a litde conversation, notwithstanding their severities.

I was in one of the church yards, and it was rumored among those in the church, and sundry of the prisoners came with their usual complaints to me, and among the rest a large boned, tall young man, as he told me, from Pennsylvania, who was reduced to a mere skeleton ; he said he was glad to see me before he died, which he ex- pected to have done last night, but was a Uttle revived ; he furthermore informed me, that he and his brother had been urged to enlist into the British, but both had resolved to die first ; that his brother had died last night, in consequence of that resolution, and that he expected shortly to follow him ; but I made the other prisoners stand a little off, and told him with a low voice to en- list ; he then asked, whether it was right in the sight of God ! I assured him that it was, and that duty to himself obliged him to deceive the British by enlisting and deserting the first opportunity ; upon w^iich he answered with transport that he would enlist. I charged him not to mention my ^name as his adviser, lest it should get air, and I should be closely confined, in consequence of it.

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The integrity of these suffering prisoners is hardly credible. Many hundreds, I am confident, sub- mitted to death, rather than to enlist in the British service, which, I am informed, they most gener- ally were pressed to do. I was astonished at the resolution of the two brothers particularly ; it seems that they could not be stimulated to such exertions of heroism from ambition, as they were but obscure soldiers ; strong indeed must the in- ternal principle of virtue be, which supported them to brave death, and one of them went through the operation, as did many hundred others. I readily grant that instances of public virtue are no excite- ment to the sordid and vicious, nor, on the other hand, will all the barbarity of Britain and Hesh- land awaken them to a sense of their duty to the public; but these things will have their proper effect on the generous and brave. The officers on parole were most of them zealous, if possible, to afford the miserable soldiery relief, and often consulted with one another on the subject, but to no effect, bein.<2; destitute of the means of subsis- tence, which they needed ; nor could the officers project any measure, which they thought would alter their fate, or so much as be a means of getting them out of those filthy places to the privilege of fresh air. Some projected that all the officers- should go in procession to general Howe, and

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plead the cause of the perishing soldiers ; but this proposal was negatived for the following reasons, viz : because that general Howe must needs be well acquainted, and have a thorough knowledge of the state and condition of the prisoners in every of their wretched apartments, and that much more particular and exact than any officer on pa* role could be supposed to have, as the general had a return of the circumstances of the prison* ers, by his own officers, every morning, of the number which were alive, as also the number which died every twentv-four hours ; and conse- quendy the bill of mortality, as collected from the daily returns, lay before him with all the material situations and circumstances of the pris- oners ; and provided the officers should go in procession to general Howe, according to the projection, it would give him the greatest affront, and that he would either retort upon them, that it was no part of their parole to instruct him in his conduct to prisoners; that they were mutining against his authority, and by affronting him, had forfeited their parole ; or that, more probably, instead of savinsf one word to them, would order them all into as wretched confinement as the sol- diers whom they sought to relieve ; for, at that time, the British, from the general to the private sentinel, were in full confidence, nor did they so

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much as hesitate, but that they should conquer the country. Thus the consultation of the officers was confounded and broken to pieces, in con- sequence of the dread, which at that time lay on their minds, of offending Gen. Howe ; for they conceived so murderous a tyrant would not be too good to destroy even the officers, on the least pre- tence of an affront, as they were equally in his power with the soldiers; and, as Gen. Howe per- fectly understood the condition of the private soldiers, it was argued that it was exactly such as he and his council had devised, and as he meant to destroy them it would be to no purpose for them to try to dissuade him from it, as they were help- less and liable to the same fate, on giving the least affront ; indeed anxious apprehensions disturbed them in their then circumstances.

Mean time mortality raged to such an intolera- ble degree among the prisoners, that the very school boys in the streets knew the mental design of it in some measure; at least, they knew that they were starved to death. Some poor women contributed to their necessity, till their children were almost starved, and all persons of common under- standing knew that they were devoted to the cru- elest and worst of deaths. It was also proposed by some to make a written representation of the condition of the soldiery, and the officers to sign 8

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it, and that it should be couched in such terms, as though they were apprehensive that the General was imposed upon by his officers, in their daily returns to him of the state and condition of the pris- oners ; and that therefore the officers, moved with compassion, were constrained to communicate to hiin the facts relative to them, nothing doubting but that they would meet with a speedy redress ; bufthis proposal was most generally negatived also, and for much the same reason offered in the other case ; for it was conjectured that Gen. Howe's indignation w^ould be moved against such officers as should attempt to whip him over his officers' backs ; that he would discern that himself \vas really struck at, and not the officers who made the daily returns ; and therefore self-preser- vation deterred the officers from either petitioning or remonstrating to Gen. Howe, either verbally or in writins: : as also the consideration that no valu- able purpose to the distressed would be ob* tained.

I made several rough drafts on the subject, one of which I exhibited to the colonels Magaw, Miles and Atlee, and they said that they would consider the matter ; soon after I called on them, and some of fhe gendemen informed me that they had writ- ten to the general on the subject, and I concluded that the gentlemen thought it best that they should

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write without me, as there was such spirited aversion subsisting between the British and me.

In the mean time a colonel Hussecker, of the continental arm}', as he then reported, was taken prisoner, and brought to New-York, who gave out that the country was almost universally sub- mitting to the English king's authority, and that there would be litde or no more opposition to Great-Britain. This at first gave the officers a little shock, but in a few days they recovered themselves ; for this colonel Hussecker, being a German, was feasting with general De Heister, his countryman, and from his conduct they were apprehensive that he was a knave ; at least he was esteemed so by most of the officers ; it was nevertheless a day of trouble. The enemy blas- phemed. Our little army was retreating in New- Jersey, and our young men murdered by hun- dreds in New-York. The army of Britain and Heshland prevailed for a Httle season, as though it was ordered by Heaven to shew, to the latest posterity, what the British would have done if they could, and what the general calamity must have been, in consequence of their conquering the country, and to excite every honest man to stand forth in the defence of liberty, and to establish the independency of the United States of America forever. But this scene of adverse fortune did

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not discourage a Washington. The ilkistrlous American hero remained immoveable. In liber- ty's cause he took up his sword. This reflection was his support and consolation in the day of his humiliation, when he retreated before the enemy, through New-Jersey into Pennsylvania. Their triumph only roused his indignation ; and the im- portant cause of his country, which lay near his heart, moved him to cross the Delaware again, and take ample satisfaction on his pursuers. No sooner had he circumvallated his haughty foes, and appeared in terrible array, but the host of Heshland fell. This taught America the intrinsic worth of perseverance, and the generous sons of freedom flew to the standard of their common safeguard and defence ; from which time the arm of American liberty hath prevailed.'

■X-

* The American army being greatly reduced by the loss of men taken prisoners, and by the departure of men whose inlistments had expired, General Washington was obliged to retreat towards Philadelphia ; General Howe, exulting in his successes, pursued him, notwithstanding the weather was severely cold. To add to the disasters of the Americans, General Lee was surprised and taken prioner at Baskenridge. In this gloomy state of affairs, raany persons joined the British cause and took protection. But a small band of heroes checked the? tide of British success. A division of Hessians had advanced to Trenton, where they reposed in security. General Washington was on the opposite side of the Delaware, with about three thousand men, many of whom were without shoes or convenient clothing ; and the river was covered

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This surprise and capture of the Hessians enraged the enemy, who were still vastly more nu- merous than the continental troops. They there- fore collected, and marched from Princetown, to attack general Washington, who was then at Trenton, having previously left a detachment from their main body at Princetowm, for the support of that place. This was a trying time, for our wor- thy general, though in possession of a late most astonishing victory, w^as by no means able to withstand the collective force of the enemv ; but his sagacity soon suggested a stratagem to effect that which, by force, to him was at that time impracticable. He therefore amused the enemy with a number of fires, and in the night made a forced march, undiscovered by them, and next morning fell in with their rear-guard at Princetown, and killed and took most ol them prisoners. The main body too late perceived their rear was at- tacked, hurried back with all speed, but to their mortification, found that they were out-generalled and baffled by general Washington, who was

with floating ice. But the general knew the importance of striking some successful blow, to animate the expiring hopes of the coun- try ; and on the night of December 25[h, crossed the river, and fell upon the enemy by surprise, and took the whole body consis- ting of about nine hundred men. A few were killed, among whom was colonel Rahl the commander.

8*

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retired with his little army towards MorristoWET/ and was out of their power.* These repeated successes, one on the back of the other, chagrined the enemy prodigiously, and had an amazing operation in the scale of American pohtics, and undoubtedly was one of the corner stones, on which their fair structure of Independency has been fabricated, for the country at no one time has ever been so much dispirited as just before the morn- ing of this glorious success, which in part dispelled the gloomy clouds of oppression and slavery, which lay pending over America, big with the ruin of this and future generations, and enlightened

* On the 2d of January, 1777, lord Cornwallis appeared near Trenton, with a strong body of troops. Skirmishing took place - and impeded the march of the British army, until the Americans had secured their artillery and baggage ; when they retired to the southward of the creek, and repulsed the enemy in their attempt to pass the bridge. As general Washington's force was not suffi- cient to meet the enemy, and his situation was critical, he deter- mined, with the advice of a council of war, to attempt a stratagem. He gave orders for the troops to light fires in their camp, (which were ' intended to deceive the enemy.) and be prepared to march. Accord- ingly at twelve o'clock at night the troops left the ground, and by a circuitous march, eluded the vigilance of the enemy, and early in the morning appeared at Princeton. A smart action ensued, but the British troops gave way. A party took refuge in the collegej a building with strong stone v/alls, but were forced to surrender. The enemy lost in killed, wounded and prisoners, about five hun- dred men. The Americans lost but few men ; but amop.g them was a most valuable offiGer, general Mercer.

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and spirited her sons to redouble their blows on a merciless, and haughty, and I may add perfidious enemy.

Farthermore, this success had a mighty effect on general Howe and his council, and roused them to a sense of their own weakness, and con- vinced them that they were neither omniscient nor omnipotent. Their obduracy and death-de- signing malevolence, in some measure, abated or was suspended. The prisoners, who were condemned to the most wretched and crudest of deaths, and who survived to this period, though most of them died before, were immediately or- dered to be sent within Gen. Washington's lines for an exchange, and, in consequence of it, were taken out of their filthy and poisonous places of confinement, and sent from New-York to their friends in haste ; several of them fell dead in the streets of New-York, as they attempted to walk to the vessels in the harbor, for their intended embarkation. What numbers lived to reach the lines I cannot ascertain, but, from concurrent represen- tations which I have since received from num- bers of people who lived in and adjacent to such parts of the country, where they were received from the enemy, I apprehend that most of them died in consequence of the vile usage of the enemy. Some who were eve witnesses of that

9'2 ETHAN ALLEN^S

scene of mortality, more especially in that part which continued after the exchange took place, are of opinion, that it was partly in consequence of a slow poison ; but this I refer to the doctors that attended them, who are certainly the best judges.

Upon the best calculation I have been able to make from personal knowledge, and the many evidences I have collected in support ot the facts, I learn that, of the prisoners taken on Long-Island, Fort Washington, and some few others, at differ- ent times and places, about two thousand perished with hunger, cold and sickness, occasioned by the filth of their prisons, at New-York, and a number more on their passage to the continental lines. Most of the residue, who reached their friends, having received their death wound, could not be restored by the assistance of physicians and friends; but like their brother prisoners, fell a sac- rifice to the relentless and scientific barbarity of Britain. I took as much pains as my circumstan- ces w'ould admit of, to inform myself not only of matters of fact, but likewise of the very design and aims of General Howe and his council. The lat- ter of w^hich I predicated on the former, and sub- mit it to the candid public.

And lasdy, the aforesaid success of the Ameri- can arms had a happy effect on the continental

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officers, \vho were on parole at New-York. A number of us assembled, but not in a public man- ner, and with tiiU bowls and glasses, drank Gen. Washington's health, and were not unmindful of Congress and our w^orthy friends on the continent, and almost forgot that we were prisoners.

A few days after this recreation, a British officer of rank and importance in their army, whose name I shall not mention in this narrative, for certain reasons, though I have mentioned it to some of my close friends and confidants, sent for me to his lodgings, and told me, " That faithfulness, though in a wrong cause, had nevertheless recommended me to Gen. Sir William Howe, who was minded to make me a colonel ot a regiment of new levies, alias tories, in the British service ; and proposed that I should go with him, and some other officers, to England, who would embark for that purpose in a few days, and there be introduced to Lord G. Germaine, and probably to the King; and that previously I should be clothed equal to such an introduction, and, instead of paper rags, be paid in hard guineas; after this, should embark with Gen. Burgoyne, and assist in the reduction of the coun- try, which infallibly would be conquered, and, when that should be done, I should have a large tract of land, either in the New-Hampshire grants, or in Connecticut, it would make no odds, as the

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country would be forfeited to the crown." I then replied, "That, if by faithfulness I had recom- mended myself to Gen. Howe, I should be loth, by unfaithfulness, to lose the General's good opinion ; besides, that I viewed the offer of land to be sim- ilar to that which the devil offered Jesus Christ, "To give him all the kingdoms of the world, if he would fall down and worship him ; when at the same time, the damned soul had not one foot of land upon earth." This closed the conversation, and the 2;entieman turned from me with an air of dislike, saying, that I was a bigot : upon which I retired to my lodgings."

Near the last of November, 1 was admitted to parole in New-York, with many other American officers, and on the 22d day of January, 1777, was with them directed by the British commissary of prisoners to be quartered on the westerly part of Long-Island, and our parol continued. During my imprisonment there, no occcurrences worth observation happened. I obtained the means of living as well as I desired, which in a great

*This conduct of Colonel Allen, though springing from duty, ouzht not to be passed over without tributary praise. The refusal of such an offer and in such circumstances, was highly m.eritorious. Though the man of strict honor, and rigid integrity, deems the plaudit of his own conscience an ample reward for his best actions, it is a pleasing employment, to those who witness such actions, to. record them. It is an incentive to others to ' go and do likewLsex"

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measure repaired my constitution, which had been greatly injured by the severities of an inhuman captivity. 1 now began to feel myself composed, expecting either an exchange, or continuance in good and honorable treatm.ent ; but alas ! my vision- ary expectations soon vanished. The news of the conquest of Ticonderoga by general Bur- goyne,^ and the advance of his army into the country, made the haughty Britons again feel their importance, and Vvith that, their insatiable thirst for cruelty.

The private prisoners at New-York, and some of the ofiicers on parole, felt the severity of it. Burgoyne was to them a demi-god. To him they paid adoration : in him the tories placed

•

* In June, 1777. the British army, amounting to several thou- sand men, besides Indians and Canadians, commanded by general Burgoyne, crossed the lake and laid siege to Ticonderoga, In a short time, the enemy gained possession of Sugar Hill, which commanded the American lines, and general St. Clair, with the advice of a council of war, ordered the posts to be abandoned. The retreat of the Americans was conducted under every possible disadvantage — part of their force embarked in batteaux and landed at Skenesborough— a part marched by the way of Castleton ; but they were obliged to leave their heavy cannon, and on their march, lost great part of their baggage and stores, while their rear was harrassed by the British troops. An action took place between colonel Warner, with a body of Americans, and general Frazer, in which the Americans were defeated, after a brave resistance, with the loss of a valuable officer, colonel Francis.

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their confidence, " and forgot the Lord their God," and served Howe, Burgoyne and Kny- phausen,^ *' and became vile in their own imagina- tion, and their foohsh hearts were darkened," professing to be great poKticians and relying on foreign and merciless invaders, and with them seekins: the ruin, bloodshed and destruction of their country; "became fools," expecting with them to share a dividend in the confiscated estates of their neighbors and countrymen who fought for the whole country, and the religion and liber- ties thereof. " Therefore, God gave them over to strong delusions, to believe a he, that they all mi2:ht be damned."

The 25th day of August, I was apprehended, and, under pretext of artful, mean and pitiful pretences, that I had infringed on my parole, taken from a tavern, where there were more than a dozen officers present and, in the very place where those officers and myself were directed to be quartered, put under a strong guard and taken to New-York, where I expected to make my defence before the commanding officer ; but, con- trary to my expectations, and without the least solid pretence of justice or a trial, was again en- circled with a strong guard with fixed bayonets, and conducted to the provost-goal in a lonely

* Knyphausen, a Hessian general.

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apartment, next above the dungeon, and was denied all manner of subsistence either by pur- chase or allowance. The second day I offered a guinea for a meal of victuals, but was denied it, and the third day I offered eight Spanish milled dollars for a like favor, but was denied, and all I could get out of the sergeant's mouth, was that by God he would obey his orders. I now per- ceived myself to be again in substantial trouble. In this condition 1 formed an oblique acquaintance with a Capt. Travis, of Virginia, who was in the dungeon below me, through a little hole which was cut vvith a pen-knife, through the floor of my apartment which communicated with the dun- geon ; it was a small crevice, through which I could discern but a very small part of his face at once, when he applied it to the hole ; but from the dis- covery of him in the situation which w^e were both then in, I could not have known him, which I found to be true by an after acquaintance. I could nevertheless hold a conversation with him, and soon perceived him to be a gentleman of high spirits, who had a high sense of honor, and felt ag big, as though he had been in a palace, and had treasures of wTath in store against the British. In fine I was charmed with the spirit of the man ; he had been near or quite four months in that dungeon, with murderers, thieves, and every 9

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species of criminals, and all for the sole crime of unshaken fidelity to his country ; but his spirits were above dejection, and his mind unconquerable. I engaged to do him every service in my power? and in a few weeks afterwards, with the united petitions of the officers in the provost, procured his dismission from the dark mansion of fiends to the apartments of his petitioners.

And it came to pass on the 3d day, at the going down of the sun, that I was presented with a piece of boiled pork, and some biscuit, which the sergeant gave me to understand, was my allow- ance, and I fed sweetly on the same; but I indul- ged my appetite by degrees, and in a few days more, was taken from that apartment, and con- ducted to the next loft or story, where there were above twenty continental, and some militia officers, who had been taken, and imprisoned there, besides some private gentlemen, who had been dragged from their own homes to that filthy place by tories. Several of every denomination mentioned, died there, some before, and others after [ was put there.

The history of the proceedings relative to the provost only, were I particular, would swell a volume larger than this whole narrative. I shall therefore only notice such of the occurrences which are mostly extraordinary.

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Capt. Vandyke bore, with an uncommon for- titude, near twenty months' confinement in this place, and in the mean time was verv serviceable to others who were confined with him. The al- legation against him, as the cause of his confine- ment, was very extraordinary. He vras accused of setdno" fire to the citv of rsew-York. at the time the west part of it was consumed, when it was a known fact, that he had been in the provost a week before the fire broke out ; and in like manner, fiivolous were the ostensible accusations as^ainst most of those who were there confined ; the case of tv/o militia officers excepted, who were taken in their attempting to escape from their parole ; and probably there may be some other instances which miijht justify such a confinement.

^Ir. Wilham Millr-r, a committee man, from West Chester county, and state oi Xew York, was taken from his bed in the dead o\^ the night bv his torv nei2:hbors, and was starved for three days and nights in an apartment of the same gaol ; add to this the denial o( fire, and that in a cold season of the year, in which time he walked day and night, to defend himself against the frost, and when he complained of such a reprehensible con- duct, the word rebel or comir.ittee man was deem- ed by the enemy a sufficient atonement for any inhumanity that thev could invent or inflict. He

100 ETHAN Allen's

was a man of good natural understanding, a close and sincere friend to the liberdes of America, and endured fourteen months' cruel imprisonment with that magnanimity of soul, which reflects honor on himself and country.

Major Levi Weils, and Capt. Ozias Bissel, were apprehended and taken under guard from their parole on Long-Island, to the provost, on as fal- lacious pretences as the former, and were there continued till their exchange took place which was near five months. Their fidelity and zealous at- tachment to their country's cause, which was more than commonly conspicuous was undoubtedly the real cause ot their confinement.

Major Brinton Payne, Capt. Flahaven, and Capt. Randolph, who had at different times dis- tinguished themselves by their bravery, especially at the several actions, in which they w^ere taken, were all the provocation they gave, for which they suffered about a year's confinement, each in the same filthy gaol.

A few weeks after my confinement, on the like fallacious and wicked pretences, was brought to the same place, from his parole on Long- Island, Major Otho Holland Williams now a full Col. in the continental army. In his character are united the gentleman, officer, soldier, and friend ; he walked through the prison with an air of great dis-

KARRATIVE. 101

dain; said he, *'ls this the treatment which gen- tlemen of the continental army are to expect from the rascally British, when in their power? Hea- vens forbid it!" He vv"as continued t!.ere about five months, and then exchanged tor a British Ma- jor.

John Fell, Esq. now a memberof Congress for the state of Xew- Jersey, was taken from his own house by a gang of infamous tories, and by order of a British General was sent to the provost, where he was continued near one year. The stench of the gaol, which was verv loathsome and unhealthy, occasioned a hoarseness of the lungs, which pro- ved fatal to many who were there contined, and reduced this gentleman near to the point of death; he was indeed sriven over bv his friends u ho were about him, and himself concluded he must die. I could not endure the thought that so worthy a friend to America should have his life stolen from him in such a mean, base, and scandalous manner, and that his family and friends should be bereaved of so 2:reat and desirable a blessins:, as his further care, usefulness and example, might prove to them. I therefore wrote a letter to Geor2;e Robertson, who com.manded in tovrn, and being touched with the most sensible feelings of humanity, which dic- tated my pen to paint dying distress in such hvely colors that it wrou2:ht conviction even on the ob- 9*

102 ETHAN ALLEN'^S

duracy of a British General, and produced his or- der to remove the now honorable John Fell, Esq^ out of a gaol, to private lodgings in town ; in con- sequence of which he slowly recovered his health. There is so extraordinary a circumstance which intervened concerning this letter, that it is worth

noticmg.

Previous to sending it, I exhibited the same to the gentleman on whose behalf in was written, for his approbation, and he forbid me to send it in the most positive and explicit terms ; his reason was, ** That the enemy knew, by every morning's re- port, the condition of ail the prisoners, mine in particular, as I have been gradually coming to my end for a considerable time, and they very well knew it, and likewise determined it should be ac- complished, as they had served many others; that, to ask a favor, would give the merciless enemy occasion to triumph over me in. my last moments, and therefore I will ask no fa\ors from them, bul resign myself to my supposed fate." But the let- ter I sent without his knowledge, and 1 confess I had but little expectations from it, yet could not be easy till I had sent it. It may be worth a re- mark, that this gentleman was an Englishman born, and from the beginning of the revoIu;ion has invariably asserted and maintamed the cause o& hberty»

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The British have made so extensive an improve- ment of the provost during the present revolution till of late, that a very short definition will be suf- ficient for the dullest apprehensions. It may be with propriety called the British inquisition, and calculated to support their oppressive measures and designs, by suppressing the spirit of liberty ; as also a place to confine the criminals, and most infamous wretches of their own army, where many gentlemen of the American army, and citi- zens thereof, were promiscuously confined, with every species of criminals ; but they divided into different apartments, and kept at as great a re- move as circumstances permited ; but it was nev- ertheless at the option of a villainous sergeant, who- had the charge of the provost, to take any gentle- man from their room, and put them into the dun- geon, which was often the case. At two different times I was taken down stairs for that purpose, by a file of soldiers with fixed bayonets, and the ser2:eant brandi>hin2: his sword at the same time, and hav ng been brought to the door of the dun- geon, I there flattered the vanity of the sergeant,, whose name was Keef. by which means I procured the surprizing favor to return to my companions^, but some of the high mettled young gentlemen could not bear his insolence, and determined to* keep at a distance, and neitherplease nor displease

104 ETHAN Allen's

the villain, but none could keep clear of his abuse I however, mild measures were the best ; he did not hesitate to call us damned rebels, and use us with the coarsest language. The Capts. Flaha- ven, Randolph and Mercer, were the objects of his most flagrant and repeated abuses^ who were many times taken to the dungeon, and there con- tinued at his pleasure. Capt. Flahaven took cold in the dungeon, and was in a declining state of health, but an exchange delivered him, and in all probability saved his life. It was very mortifying to bear with the insolence of such a vicious and ill-bred, imperious rascal. Remonstrances against him were preferred to the commander of the town, but no relief could be obtained, for his superiors were undoubtedly well pleased witli his abusive conduct to the gentlemen, under the severities of his power; and remonstrating against his infernal conduct, only served to confirm him in authority ; and for this reason I never made any remonstran- ces on the subject, but only stroked him, for I knew that he was but a cat's paw in the hands of the British officers, and that, if he should use us well^ he w^ould immediately be put out of that trust, and a w^orse man appointed to succeed him ; but there was no need of making any new appointment ; for Cunningham, their provost marshall. and Keef, his deputy, were as great rascals as their army could

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boast of, except one Joshua Lorlng, an infamous tory, who was commissary of prisoners ; nor can any of these be supposed to be equally criminal with Gen. Sir William Howe and his associates, who prescribed and directed the murders and cru- elties, whch were by them perpetrated. This Lorino; is a monster ! — 1 here is not his like in human shape. He exhibits a smiling counte- nance, seems to wear a phiz of hum.anity, but has been instrumentally capable of the most consumate acts of wickedness, which were first projected by an abandoned British council clothed with the authori- ty of a Howe, murdering premeditatedly, in cold blood, near or quite two thousand helpless prisoners and that in the most clandestine, mean and shame- full manner, at New-York. He is the most mean spirited, cowardly, deceitful, and destructive ani- mal in God's creation heiow, and legions of infer- nal devils, with all their tremendous horrors, are impatiently ready to receive Howe and him, with all their detestable accomplices, into the most ex- quisite agonies of the hottest region of hell fire.* The 6th day of July, 1777, Gen. St. Clair, and

*The publisher would suppress some of the lan^uaiore and ex- pressions Col. Allen occasionally makes use of, but presuming the reader to make all reasonable allowance, both for the style and the matter, it was thought most eligible to give the narrative in the very dress furnished by the author.

106 • ETHAN Allen's

the army under his command, evacuated Ticon- deroga, and retreated with the main body through Hubbarton into Casdeton, which was but six miles distant, when his rear-guard, commanded by Col. Seth Warner, was attacked at Hubbarton by a body of the enemy of about two thousand, com- manded by General Fraser. Warner's command consisted of his own and tw^o other regiments, viz. Francis's and Hale's, and some scattering and en- feebled soldiers. His whole number, according to information, was near or quite one thousand ; part of which w^ere Green Mountain Boys, about seven hundred out of the whole he brous^ht mto action. The enemy advanced boldly, and the two bodies formed within about sixty yards of each other. Col. Warner havins; formed his own re- giment, and that of Col. Francis's did not wait for the enemy, but gave them a heavy fire from his whole line, and they returned it with great brave- ry. It was by this time dangerous for those of both parties, who were not prepared for the world to come; but Colonel Hale being apprised of the danger, never brought his regiment to the charge, but left W^arner and Francis to stand the blowing of it, and fled, but luckily fell in with an inconsiderable number of the enemy, and to his eternal shame, surrendered himself a prisoner. The conflict was very bloody. Col. Francis

NARRATIVE. 107

fell in the same, but Col. Warner, and the officers under his command, as also the soldiery, behaved with great resolution. The enemy broke, and gave way on the right and left, but formed again, and renewed the attack ; in the mean time the British granadiers, in the center of the enemy's line, maintained the ground, and finally carried it with the point of the bayonet, and Warner retreat- ed with reluctance. Our loss was about thirty men killed, and that of the enemy amounting to three hundred killed, including a Major Grant. The enemy's loss I learnt from the confession of their own officers, when a prisoner with them. I heard them likewise complain, that the Green Mountain Boys took sight. The next movement of the enemy, of any material consequence, was their investing Bennington,"^ with a design to de- moUsh it, and subject its Mountaineers, to which they had a great aversion, with one hundred and

* The Americans had collected a quantity of stores at Bennington ; to destroy which as well as to animate the royalists and intimidate the patriots, general Burgoyne detached colonel Baum, with five hundred men and one hundred Indians. Colonel Breyman was sent to reinforce him, but did not arrive in time. On the 16th of August, general Stark, with about eight hundred brave militia men, attacked colonel Baum, in his entrenched camp about six miles from Bennington, and killed or took prisoners nearly the whole detach- ment. The next day colonel Breyman was attacked and defeated. In these actions, the Americans took about seven hundred prison-

l08 ETHAN Allen's

fifty chosen men, including tories, with the high- est expectation of success, and having chosen an eminence of strong ground, fortified it with shght breast works, and two pieces of cannon; but the government of the young state of Vermont, being previously jealous of such an attempt of the ene- my, and in due time had procured a number of brave militia from the government of the state of New-Hampshire, who, together with the militia of the north part of Berkshire county, and state of Massachusetts, and the Green Mountain Boys, constituted a body of desperadoes, under the command of the intrepid general Stark, vvho in number were about equal to the enemy. Colonel Herrick, who commanded the Green Mountain Rangers, and who was second in command, being thoroughly acquainted with the ground where the enemy had fortified, proposed to attack ihera in their works upon all parts, at the same time. This plan being adopted by the general and his council of war, the little militia brigade of undis- ciplined heroes, with their long brown firelocks, the best security of a free people, without either

ers, and these successes served to revive the spirits of the people. This success however was in part counterbalanced by the advan- tages gained on the Mohawk by colonel St^ Leger ; but this officer, attacking fort Stanwix, was repelled, and obliged to abandon the attempt.

NARRATIVE. 109

cannon or bayonets, was, on the 16th day of August, led on to the attack by then- bold com- manders, in the face of the enemy's dreadful fire, and to the astonishment of the world, and bur- lesque of discipline, carried every part of their lines in less than one quarter of an hour after the attack became general, took their cannon, killed and captivated more than two-thirds of their num- ber, which immortahzed general Stark, and made Bennington famous to posterity.

Among the enemy's slain was found colonel Baum, their comm.ander, a colonel Pfester, who headed an infamous gang of tories, and a large part of his command ; and among the prisoners was major Meibome, their second in command, a num- ber of British and Hessian officers, surgeons, &c. and more than one hundred of the aforemen- tioned Pfester's command. The prisoners being collected together, were sent to the meeting- house in the town, by a strong guard, and Gen. Stark not imagining any present danger, the miUtia scattered from him to rest and refresh them- selves ; in this situation he was on a sudden at- tacked by a reinforcement of one thousand and one hundred of the enemy, commanded by a governor Skene, with two field pieces. They advanced in regular order, and kept up an inces- sant fire, especially from their field pieces, and the 10

110 ETHAN Allen's

remaining militia retreating slowly before them, dis- puted the ground inch by inch. The enemy were heard to halloo to them, saying, stop Yankees ! In the meantime, Col. Warner, with about one hun- dred and thirty men of his regiment, w^ho were not in the first action, arrived and attacked the enemy with great fury, being determined to have ample revenge on account of the quarrel at Hubbardton? which brought them to a stand, and soon after general Stark and colonel Herrick, brought on more of the scattered militia, and the action became general ; in a few minutes the enemy were forced from their cannon, gave way on all parts and fled, and the shouts of victory were a second time pro- claimed in favor ot the militia. The enemy's loss in killed and prisoners, in these two actions, amounted to more than one thousand and two hundred men, and our loss did not exceed fifty men. This was a bitter stroke to the enemy, but their pride would not permit them to hesitate but that they could vanquish the country, and as a specimen of their arrogancy, I shall insert general Burgoyne's proclamation : —

'' By John Burgoyne, Esq. Lieutenant-General of his Majesty's armies in America, Colonel of the Queen's re- giment of light dragoons. Governor of Fort William in North-Britain, one of the Representatives of the Com- mons of Great Britain, in Parliament, and commanding

NARRATIVE. Ill

an army and fleet employed on an expedition from Can- ada, &c. &c. &c.

" The forces entrusted to my command are designed to act in concert and upon a common principle, with the numerous armies and fleets which already display in every quarter of America, the power, the justice, and, when properly sought, the mercy of the King.

" The cause, in which the British arms are thus ex- erted, applies to the most aff'ecling interests of the hu- man heart ; and the mihtary servaiits of the crown, at first called forth for the sole purpose of restoring the rights of the constitution, now combine with love of their country, and duty to their sovereign, the other ex- tensive incitements which spring from a due sense of the general privileges of mankind. To the eyes and ears of the temperate part of tiie public, and to the breasts of suffering thousands in the provinces, be the melancholy appeal, whether the present unnatural rebel- lion has not been made a foundation for the completest system of tyranny that ever God, in his displeasure, suf- fered for a time to be exercised over a froward and stub- born generation.

" Arbitrary imprisonment, confiscation of property, persecution and torture, unprecedented in the inquisi- tions of the Romish Church, are among the palpable enormities that verify ihe affirmative. These are inflic- ted by assemblies and committees, who dare to profess themselves friends to liberty, upon the most quiet sub- jects, without distinction of age or sex, for the sole crime, often for the sole suspicion, of having adhered in principle to the government under which they were born, and to which, by every lie, divine and human, they owe allegiance. To consummate these shocking proceedings, the profanation of religion is added to the most profligate prostitution of common reason ; the consciences of men are set at nought ; and multitudes are compelled not

113 ETHAN ALLEN^S

only to bear arms, but also to swear subjection to an' usurpation they abhor.

" Animated by these considerations, at the head of troops in the full powers of health, discipline, and valor; determined to strike where necessary, and anxious to spare where possible, I by these presents invite and ex- hort all persons, in all places where the progress of this army may point; and by the blessing of God I will ex- tend it far to maintain such a conduct as may justify me in protecting their lands, habitations and families. The intention of this address is to hold forth security, not depredation to the country. To those whom spirit and principle may induce to partake of the glorious task of redeeming their countrymen from dungeons, and re-es- tablishing the blessings of legal government, I offer en- couragement and employment ; and upon the first intel- ligence of their associations, 1 will find means to assist their undertakings. The domestic, the industrious, the infirm, and even the timid inhabitants I am desirous to protect, provided they remain quietly at their houses ; that they do not suffer their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage to be secreted or destroyed ; that they do not break up their bridges or roads : nor by any other act, directly or indirectly, endeavour to obstruct the operations of the king's troops, or supply or assist those of the enemy. Every species of provision brought to my camp, will be paid for at an equitable rate, and in solid coin.

" In consciousness of Christianity, my royal master's clemancy, and the honor of soldiership, I have dwelt upon this invitation, and wished for more persuasive terms to give it impression. And let not people be led to disregard it by considering their distance from the im- mediate situation of my camp. — I have but to give stretch to the Indian forces under my direction, and they amount to thcmsands,. to overtake the hardened enemies

NARRATIVE. 113

of Great Britain and America : I consider ihem the same wherever they may lurk.

*' If, notwitlislaiidiiig these endeavours, and sincere inclinations to effect them, the phrensy of hosiihty should remain, I trust I shall stand acquiited in the eyes of God and man, in denounring and executing the vengeance of the state against the wilful outcasts. The messen- gers of justice and of wrath await tluin in the field ; and devastation, famine, and every concomitant horror that a reluctant but indispensible prosecution of military duty must occasionj will bear the way to their return.

J. BURGOYNE.

*' By order of his Excellency the Lieut. General,

Robert Kingston, Sec. ■'^ Camp near Ticonderoga, 4th July, 1777."

Gen. Burgoyne was still the toast, and the se- verities towards the prisoners were in great mea- sure increased or diminished, in proportion to the expectation of conquest. His very ostentatious Proclamation was in the hand and mouth of most of the soldiery, especially the tories, and from it, their faith was raised to assurance. I wish my eountr^'men in D:eneral could but have an idea of the assuming tyranny, and haughty, malevolent, and insolent behavior of the enemy at that time ; and from thence discern the intolerable calamities which this country have extricated themselves irom by their public spiritedness and bravery. Ihe

10*

114 ETHAN Allen's

downfall of Gen. Burgoyne,* and surrender of his whole army, dashed the aspiring hopes and ex- pectations of the enemy, and brought low the im- perious spirit of an opulent, puissant and haughty nation, and made the tories bite the ground with anguish, exalting the valor of the free-born sons of America, and raised their fame and that of their brave commanders to the clouds, and immortaliz- ed Gen. Gates with laurels ol eternal duration. No sooner had the knowledge of this interesting and mighty event reached His Most Christian Ma- jesty, who in Europe shines with a superior lustre in goodness, policy and arms, but the illustrious potentate, auspiciously influenced by Heaven to

* General Burgoyne, after collecting his forces and stores, cross- ed the Hudson v/ith a view to penetrate to Albany. But the Amer- ican army being reinforced daily, held him in check at Saratoga. General Gates now took the command, and was aided by the gen- erals Lincoln and Arnold. On the IQth of September, the Amer- icans attacked the British array, and with such bravery, that the enemy could boast of no advantage, and night put an end to the action. The loss of the enemy was about five hundred. General Burgoyne was confined in a narrow pass — having the Hudson on on one side and impassible woods on the other — a body of Ameri- cans was in his rear — his boats he had ordered to be burnt, and he could not retreat — while an army of thirteen thousand men oppos- ed him in front. On the 7th of October, the armies came to a sec- ond action, in which the British lost General Frazer, with a great number of officers and men, and were driven within their lines. On the part of the Americans the loss was not great, but generals- Lincoln and Arnold were wounded.

NARRATIVE. 115

promote the reciprocal interest and happiness of the ancient kingdom of France, and the new and rising states of America, passed the great and de- cisive decree, that the United States of America, should be free and independent. Vaunt no more, Old England ! consider you are but an island 1 and that your power has been continued longer than the exercise of your humanity. Order your broken and vanquished battahons to retire from America, the scene of your cruelties. Go home and repent in dust and sackcloth for your aggra-- vated crimes. The cries of bereaved parents, widows and orphans, reach the heavens, and you are abominated by every friend to America. Take your friends the tories with you, and be gone, and drink deep of the cup of humiliation. Make peace with the princes of the house of Bourbon, for you are in no condition to wage war with them. Your veteran soldiers are fallen in America, and your glory is departed. Be quiet and pay your debts,, especially for the hire of the Hessians. There is no other way for you to get into credit again, but by reformation and plain honesty, which you have- despised ; for your power is by no means suffi- cient to support your vanity. I have had oppor- tunity to see a great deal of it, and felt its severe effects, and learned lessons of wisdom and pohcy,. when I wore your heavy irons,, and bore your bit-

116 E'THAN ALLEN^^S

ter revilings and reproaches. I have something of a smattering of philosophy, and understand hu- man nature in all its stages tolerably well ; am thoroughly acquainted with your national crimes, and assure you that they not only cry aloud for Heaven's vengeance, but excite mankind to rise up against you. Virtue, wisdom and policy are in a national sense, always connected with power, or in other words, power is their offspring, and such power as is not directed by virtue, wisdom and policy never fails finally to destroy itself as yours has done. — It is so in the nature of things, and unfit that it would be otherwise ; for if it was not so, vanity, injustice, and oppression, might reign triumphant forever. I know you have indi- viduals, who still retain their virtue, and conse- quently their honor and humanity. Those I real- ly pity, as they must more or less suffer in the calamity, in which the nation is plunged headlong ; but as a nation I hate and despise you.

My affections are Frenchified. 1 glory in Louis the sixteenth, the generous and powerful ally of these states ; am fond of a connection with so en- terprising, learned, poUte, courteous and com- mercial a nation, and am sure that I express the sentiments and feelings of all the friends to the present revolution. I begin to learn the French tongue, and recommend it to my countrymen,

NARRATIVE. 117

before Hebrew, Greek or Latin, (provided but one of them only are to be attended to) for the trade and commerce of these states in future must inev itably shift its channel from England to France, Spain and Portugal ; and therefore the statesman, politician and merchant, need be acquainted with their several languages, particularly the French, which is much in vogue in most parts of Europe. Nothing could have served so effectually to illumin- ate, polish and enrich these states as the present rev- olution, as well as preserve their liberty. Man- kind are naturallv too national, even to a de2:ree of bio-otrv, and commercial intercourse with forei2;n nations, has a great and necessary tendency to improve mankind, and erase the superstition of the mind by acquainting them that human nature, policy and interest, are the same in all nations, and at the same time they are bartering commodi- ties for the conveniences and happiness of each nation, they may reciprocally exchange such part of their customs and manners as may be benefi- cial, and learn to extend charity and good will to the whole world of mankind. I was confined in the provost-goal at New-York, the 26th day of August, and continued there to the 3d day of May, 1778, when I was taken out under guard, and conducted to a sloop in the harbor at New- York, in which 1 was guarded to Staten-Island,

118 ETHAN Allen's

to general Campbell's quarters, where I was ad- mitted to eat and drink with the general and several other of the British field officers, and treated for two days in a polite manner. As I was drinking wine with them one evening, I made an observation on my transition from the provost criminals to the company of gendemen, adding that I w^as the same man still, and should give the British credit, by him (speaking to the general) for two days good usage.

The next day colonel Archibald Campbell, who was exchanged for me, came to this place, con- ducted by Mr. Boudinot, the then American commissary of prisoners, and saluted me in a handsome manner, saying that he never was more glad to see any gentleman in his life, and I gave him to understand that 1 was equally glad to see him, and was apprehensive that it was from the same motive. The gendemen present laughed at the fancy, and conjectured that sweet liberty was the foundation of our gladness : so we took a glass of wine together, and then I was accom- panied by general Campbell, colonel Campbell, Mr. Boudinot and a number of British officers, to the boat which was ready to sail to Elizabeth- town-point. Meanwhile I entertained them with a rehearsal of the cruelties exercised towards our prisoners ; and assured them that I should use my

NARRATIVE. 119

influence, that their prisoners should be treated, in future, in the same manner, as they should in future treat ours ; that I thought it was right in such ex- treme caseSjthat their example should be apphed to their own prisoners ; then exchanged the decent ceremonies of compliment, and parted. I sailed to the point aforesaid, and, in a transport of joy, landed on libery ground, and as 1 advanced into the county, received the acclamations ot a srate* ful people.

I soon fell into company with colonel Shelden, of the light horse, who in a polite and obliging manner accompanied me to head quarters, Yalley Forge, where I was courteously received by Gen. Washington, with pecuHar marks of his approba- tion and esteem, and w^as introduced to most of the generals, and many of the principal officers of the army, who treated me with respect, and after having offered general Washington my fur- ther service in behalf of my country, as soon as my health, which was very much impaired, would admit, and obtain his licence to return home, I took my leave of his excellency, and set out from Valley Forge with general Gates and his suit for Fishkill, where we arrived the latter end of May. In this tour the general was pleased to treat me with the famiUarity of a companion, and gener- osity of a lord, and to him I made known some

120 ETHAN Allen's narrative.

strikins: circumstances which occurred in the course of my captivity. I then bid farewell to my noble general and the gentlemen of his retinue, and set out for Bennington, the capital of the Green Mountain Boys,where I arrived the evening of the last day of May to their great surprise ; for I was thought to be dead, and now both their joy and mine was complete. Three cannon were fired that evening, and next morning colonel Her- rick gave orders, and fourteen more were dis- charged, welcoming me to Bennington, my usual place of abode ; thirteen for the United States, and one for Young Vermont.

After this ceremony was ended we moved the flowing bowl, and rural felicity, sweetened with friendship, glowed in each countenance, and with loyal healths to the rising States of America, con- cluded that evening, and, with the same loyal spirit, I now conclude my narrative.

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